lUBRARTOFCONfilM'SSJ 



^' [FORCE COLLECTION.] g 



I UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 




Glass 



—J 5O i_ 



MkS 






THE 



ISTORT 



O F 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 

COMPREHENDING THE EVENTS OF ONE COM- 
PLETE CENTURY FROM THE DISCOVERY 
OF THE RIVER PASCATAQUA. 

Br JEREMY BELKNAP, a, m, 

"SIEJIBEH OF THK AMt.RICAN PHILOSOPHIC AL SOC II' TY HELD At 

PHILADFLPHIV F.)R PROMOTING USEFUL KKOWLEDGli, 

AND OF THE ACADEMY OF ARTS AND 

SCIENCES IN MASSACHUSETTS. 



Tempus edax rerum^ tuque invidlo&a -vefustat 
Omnia dctitruiHn : vitira'/ue dcntibus oevi 
Paulatim lenta consumiiis omnia morte. 
Mac perstant. OviD. 



VOLUME I. <^/;v 



PRINTED FOR O. CrOSBY AND J. VaRNEY>B? 

J. Mann and J K. Kemick. 
1813. 



p3 4- 



}^-\'\ 



I DO certify^ that on this l^th day of June^ 
1784,^ Book.efitltkd, "The Hlftory of New- 
Hatnpfhire, Vol. I. by Jeremy Belknap," print- 
ed at Philadelphia, by Robert Aitken^ was enter-- 
ed according to Ad of AJfembly in the Pro- 
thofiotarys office of Philadelphia county^ by Kbrn-" 
ezer Hazard^ Efquire^ in behalf of the author, 
/. B, SMITH, Prothon. 



-r^ 



PREFACE. 



'»m 



W. 



HEN a new publication appears, some pre- 
|a(oi7 account of the reasons which led to it, and the manner in 
"Vvhich i: '-^^ ■ een conductecT, is generally expected. 

The .oTuf iie'.' F '.his history was early impelled by his natur- 
al cuiiyri;y to euqiiiie into the original settlement, progress, and 
improvement of the country which gaye him birth. When he 
took up his residence in New-Hampshire his enquiries were 
more particularij directed to that part of it. Having met with 
sosne valuable manuscripts which were but little known, he be- 
gan to extract and methodize the principal things in them ; and 
this employment was (to speaK. in the style of a celebrated mod- 
ern a'lihcr) his " hobby horse.*' 

The work, crude as it was, being communicated to some 
gentlemen, to v/hose judgment he paid much deference, he was 
persuaded and encouraged to go on with his collection, until 
the ihing became generally known, and a publication couid not 
decently be refused. 

He owns himself particularly obliged to the public officers 
both in this and the neighbouring state of Massachusetts, under 
tiie formci' as wel! as the present constitutions, for their oblig- 
ing attention in favouring him with the use of the public records 



PREFACE. 

©r extracts from them. He is under eniial obligation to a num- 
ber of private gentiemen, who huve ei;her admitted him to their 
own collections of original papers or procured such for him. In 
the course of his enquiry he has frequently had reason to la- 
ment the loss of many vahiable mater'als by fire and other acci- 
dents : But what has pained him more severely is the inatten- 
tion of some persoBS in whose hantfe oris^inal papers have been, 
deposited, and who have suffered them to be wasted and de= 
stroyed as things of no value. The very great utility of a pub- 
lic repository for such papers un :er pro|)er regulations, has ap." 
peaved to him in the strongest light, and he is perstiaded that 
it is an object worthy the attei.lion of an enlightened iegislutuvc^ 

The late accurate and indefatigable Mr. Prince of Bostonj 
(imder whose ministry the author was educated and whose 
memory he shall always revere) began such a collection in his 
youth and continued it for above fifty veai's. By his will he left 
it to the care of the Old South Church, of which he was pastor, 
and it was deposited with a library pf ancient books in an ap-^rt- 
ment of their tneeting-house. To this collection, the public are 
obliged for some material hints in the present work, the author 
havinsx had frequent access to tha^ library before the commence- 
ment of the late war". But the use which the British troops in 
1775 made of that elegant building having proved fatal to this 
noble collection of manuscripts ; the friends of science and of 
America must deplore the irrp.tripA'uMft Io-^r Hud we suffered 
it by thfi hands nf S AB \cENs, ihc grief had been less poignant 1 

Historians have mentioned the affairs of New-Hampshire on- 
ly in a loose and general manner. Neale and Douglas, iho»gh 
frequently erroneous, have given some, hints, which by the help 
of original records and other manuscripts, have in this work been 
carefully and largely pursued. Hutchinson has said many thing* 
which the others have omitted ; his knowledge of the antiqui- 
ties of tlie country was extensive and accurate, and the public 
are much obliged by the publication of his history ; but he 
knew more than he thought proper to relate. The few publi- 
cations concerning New-Hampshire are fugitive pieces dictated 
<2y party or interest. No regular historical deduction has ever 



PREFACE. l4#^ 

appeared. The late Mr. Fitch of Portsmouth made a begin- 

nijig of this sort about the year 1728 : From his papers some 

things liave been cohected which have not been met with else- 

"iiere. The authorities from which information is derived are 

refully noted in the margin. Where no written testimonies 

)Uid be obtained, recourse has been had to the most authentic 

■adition, selected and compared with a scrupulous aiteniion, 

lid with proper aliowunce for the imperfection of human mem- 

oiy. After ail, the critical reader will doubtless find some 

chasms which in such a work it would be iiuproper tofiil by the 

Jhelp of imaginution and conjecture. 

The author makes no merit of his regard to truth. To have 
disguised or misrepresented facts would have been abus g the 
reader. No person can take more pleasure in detecting mis- 
takes than the author in correcting them if he should have op- 
portunity. In tracing the progress of controversy it is impos- 
sible not to take a side, though w'e are ever so remote from 
any personal interest in it : Censure or applause will naturally 
follow the opinion we adopt. If the reader should happen to 
entertain different feelings from the writer, he has an equal 
right to indulge them ; but not at the expence of candor. 

The Masonian controversy lay so directly in the way that it 
could not be avoided. The rancour shewn on both sides in the 
early stages of it has now subsided. The present settlement is 
so materially connected with the general peace and welfare of 
the people, thai no wise man or friend to the country can at this 
day wish to o\ erthrow it. 

Mr. Hubbard, Dr. Mather and Mr. Penhallow have 
published narratives of the deveral Indian wars : These have 
been compared with the public records, with ancient manu" 
scripts, with Charlevoix's history of New-France, and with 
the verbal traditions of the immediate sufferers or their de- 
scendants. The particular incidents of these wars may be 
tedious to strangers, but will be read with avidity by the posteri- 
ty of those whose misfortunes and bravery were so conspicuous. 
As the character of a people must be collected from such a 



4ri PREFACE. 

minute seriesj it would have been improper to have been les| 
particular. 

The writer has had it in view not barely to relate facts, but 
to delineate the characters, the passions, the interests and ii.m» 
pevs of the persons v/ho are the subjects of his narration, and to 
describe the most striking features of the times in which they 
lived. How far he has succeeded, or wherein he is defective^ 
must be left to the judgment of every candid recdevj to whici'. 
this work is most respectfully submitted. 

J)over^ Jzme I i 1784. 



dCNSfTENTg. 



CHAP. L 

Discovery of the country. Eftabufh. 

ment of the council of Plymouth. Their 
grants to Mafon and others. Beginning 
of the fettlements at Portfmouth and Dover. 
Whelewright's Indian purchafe. Neale's 
adventures. Difcouragenients. DifTolution 
of the council. Mafon's death. Caufes of 
the failure of his enterprize. Page 9. 

II. Troubles at Dover. Settlements of Exe- 
ter and Hampton. Story of UnderhilL 
Defertion of Mafon's tenants. Combina- 
tions at Portfmouth and Dover. Union of 
New-Hampfhire with MafTachufetts. 32. 

III. Obfervations on the principles and con- 
duct of the firlt planters of Newr-England. 
Caufe of their removal. Their religious 
fentiments. Fortitude. Care of their pof- 
terity. Juflice. Laws. Principles of gov- 
ernment. Theocratic prejudices. Intoler- 
ance and perfecutions. 54. 

IV. Mode of government under MafTachu- 
fetts. Mafon's efforts to recover the pro- 
perty of his anceflor. Tranfactions of the 
king's commiflioners. Oppofition to them. 
Internal tranfactions, Mafon difcouraged. 

85. 

V. Remarks on the temper and manners of 



nn, CONTENT'S* 

the Indians. The firfl general war witli 
them, called Philip's war. 100. 

VI. Mafon's renewed efforts. Randolph's 
niiflion and tranfactions. Attempts for the 
trial of Mafon's title. New-Hampfliire 
feparated from Maifachufetts and made a 
royal province. Abflradl of the commif- 
fion. Remarks on it. 184. 

VII. The adminiftration of the firfl council. 
' Mafon's arrival. Oppofition to him. His 

departure. State of trade and navigation. 

143. 

VIII. The adminiftration of Cranfield. Vio- 
lent meafures. Infurrections. Mafon's 
fuits. Profecution of Moody and Vaughan. 
Arbitrary meafures. Complaints. Tu- 
mults. Weare's agency in England. Cran- 
field's removal. Barefoote's adminiftra- 
tion. 153. 

IX. Adminiftration of Dudley as prefident, 
and Androffe as governor of New-England. 
Mafon's further attempts. His difappoint- 
ment and death. Revolution. Sale to Al- 
len. His commiffion for the government. 

184. 

X. The war with the French and Indians, 
commonly called King William's war. 195. 

XI. The civil affairs of the province during 
the admin iftrations of Ufher, Partridge, Al- 
len, the Earl of Bellamont and Dudley, 
comprehending the whole controverfy with 
Allen and his heirs. 231. 

XII. The war with the French and Indians, 
called Oueen Anne's war. Conclufion of 
Dudley'Tand Ufher*s adminiftratioa. 265, 



• - 1 1 -- ''- '"' •' ■' 111 I 1 ■III n il ■ M M HIJ' 

THE 

HISTORY 

OP 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 



Chap: i, 

jytscovrry of the country. — Establishment of the Council q/ 
Phjmouth. — Their grajits to A'lason and others. — Begiiuiing 
of the settlements at Portsmouth and Dover. — lVhcleivriglit'.7 
Indian fnirchase. — .Yeal's adventures. — DiscouragcTnents. — - 
D/H.tolution of the Council. — MasoJi'a death. — Causes of the 
failure of Ida erUerJirize, 

XT is happy for America that its dif^ 
covery and fettlement by the Europeans hap- 
pened at a time when they were emerging 
from a long period of ignorance and darknefs. 
The difcovery of the magnetic needle, the in- 
vention of printing, the revival of literature 
and the reformation of religion, had caufed a 
vail alteration in their views, and taught them 
the true ufe of their rational and active pow- 
ers. To this concurrence of favourable cauf^ 
es we are indebted for the precifion with 
which we are able to fix the beginning of this 
great American empire : An advantage of 
^vhich the hiftorians of other countries almoft 
univerfally are deftitute ; their firft xras being 
either difguifed by fi(fl:ion and romance, or 
involved in impenetrable obfcurity. 

Mankind do not eafily relinquifh ancient 
and eftablifhed prejudices, or adopt new fy{^ 
t^ms of conduct, without fome powerful aw 



10 HISTORY OF 

tractive. Tlie profpect of immenie wealtli, 
from the mines of Mexico and Peru, fired the 
Spaniards to a rapid conqueft of thofe re- 
gions and the deftruction of their numerous 
inhabitants ; but the northern continent, pre- 
fenting no fuch gdittering charms, was ne- 

1496i gle6led by the European princes for more 
Prince's than a century after its difcovery. No ef- 
iectual care was taken to fecure to themielves 
the poifellion of fo extenfive a territory, or 
the advantage of a friendly traffic with its na- 
tives, or of the filhery on its co.ifts ; till pri- 
vate adventurers at a vail expence, with infi- 
nite hazard and perfevering zeal, eftablifhed 
fettlements for themfelves, and thereby en- 
larged the dominions of their fovereigns. 

Of the voyagers who viiited the northern 
coafl of America, for the fake of its furs and 
fifli, one of the moil remarkable was Captain 

1614 Jo^^'^^ Smith ; who ranged the Ihore from Pe- 
nobfcot to Cape Cod, and in this route dif- 
covered the river Pafcataqua ; which he found 
to be a fafe harbour with a rocky fliore. He 
returned to England in one of his Ihips, and 
there publiihed a defcription of the country, 
v/ith a map of the fea-coafl, which he prefent- 
ed to Prince Charles, who gave it the name of 

vSn i ^^^"^ w-E N GLAND. The other (liip he left be- 
hind under the care of Thomas Hunt, who 
decoyed about twenty of the natives on board 
and fold them for flavcs at Malaga. This 
perfidious action excited a violent jealoufy in 
the natives, and bitterly enraged them againfl 
fucceeding adventurers. Two of thofe fav- 
ages having found their way back as far as 
Newfoundland, then under the government 
of Captain John Mafon, were reftored to their 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 1*1 

native country by his friendly interpofition, 1614. 
and reported the llrong difapprobation, which 
the Engliih in general entertained of the mif- 
chievous plot by which they had been car- 
ried off. By this means, together with the 
prudent endeavours of Captain Thomas Dor- jj^,y^,^-, 
mer, and afterward of the Plymouth fettlers, ri'-'t^-i. 
tranquility was re-eftabliflied between the ofSroui> 
Indians and the adventurers, v/hich was tol- i;-'^^ithi!io 

„ . , XT Indians, p. 

crably preferved lor m.any years. Hov^' ever g 
fond we may have been of acculing the In- 
dians of treachery and infidelity, it muft be 
confeffed that the example was firfl fet them 
by the Europeans. Had we ahvays treated 
them with that juftice and humanity vvdiich 
our religion inculcates, and our true interefl 
at all times required, we might have lived in 
as much harmony with them, as with any 
other people on the globe. 

The importance of the country now be- 1620. 
gan to appear greater than before, and fome 
meaflires were taken to promote its fettle- 
m-ent. A patent had been granted by King 
James in 1606, limiting the dominion of Vir- 
ginia, from the thirty-fourth, to the forty- 
fourth degree of northern latitude ; which 
extent of territory had been divided into two 
parts, called North and South Virginia. The 
latter was ailigned to certain noblemen, 
knights and gentlemen of London, the for- 
mer to others in Briilol, Exeter and Plym- 
outh.t^'^Thofe who were interefted in the Gorges' 
northeriTcolony, finding that the patent did 
not fecure them from the intrufions of oth- 
ers, petitioned for an enlargement and con- 
firmation of their privileges. After fome jj-q,. 3^ 
time, the king, by his fole authority, confti- 



'1^ 



HISTORY OP 



MS Copy 
4n Super. 



1620. tuted a council, confillmg of forty noblemen^ 
' knights and gentlemen*, by the name of 
" The comicil eflablifhed at Plymouth, in the 
" county of Devon, for the planting, ruling 
" and governing of New-England, in Ameri- 
" ca." They were a corporation with perpet- 

court files, ^^i fucceffion, by eledlion of the majority ; 
and their territories extended froin the for- 
tieth to the forty-eighth degree of northern 
latitude. This patent, or charter, is the foun- 
dation of all the grants that were made of the 
country of New- England. But either from 
the jarring interefhs of the members, or their 
indiftin<?l: knowledge of the country, or their 
iiiattention to bulinefs, or ibme other caufe 
which does not fully appear, their affairs 
were tranfadled in a confufed manner from 
the beginning ; and the grants Vv^hich they 
made were fo inaccurately defcribed, and in- 
terfered fo much with each other, as to oc- 
cafion difficulties and controverlies, fome of 
which are not yet ended. 

Two of the mod adlive members of this 
council were Sir Ferdinando Gorges and 
Captain John Mafon. Gorges had been an 



* Tlie Duke of Lenox, 
Marquis of Bucking^Iianj, 

Hamiltoii, 

Earl of Peijibroke, 

Arundel, 

Bath, 

— — — S oil thamptai\, 

Salisbury, 

Warwick, 

Viscount Haddington, 
Liord Zouclie, 

SJieffield, 

Gorj^es, 

Sir Edward Seymonr, 

. Robert Mansci, 

Edward Zouche, 

Dudley Dicrg^es, 

.— — Tiionias Roc, 

- — Ferdinaudo GorgM, 

; — Ftaneis Popliam,, 



— John Brooks, 

Thomas Gates, 

Richard Hawkins, 

Richard Edgecombe, 

Alien Apsley, 

Warwick Heal, 

Richard Cotchn^y, 

John Boiirg;chiere, 

Nathaniel Rich, 

Edward Giles, 

-. — Giles Mompesson, 

Thomas Wroth, Knights; 

Matthew Sutcliffc, 
Roljcrt Heath, 
Henry Bourgcliiere., 
John Drake, 
Kawley Gilbert, 
George Chudley, 
Thoni.is Hanimqud, 
Jp!);! Argallj Esquire*. 



JTEW-HAMPSHIRE. l3 

t)feer in the navy of Oueen Elizabeth, inti- 16^. 
inately connedled with Sir Walter Raleigh, ^^"'"'=- 
of whofc adventurous fpirit he had a large 
fliarc. After the peace which King James 
made in 1604, he was appointed governor of 
the fort and illand of Plymouth in Devon- 
ihire. While he reiided there. Captain Wey- 
mouth, who had been employed by Lord 
Arundel in fear-ch of a north weft paffage, but 
had fallen fhort of his courfe and put in at 
Pemaquid, brought from thence into the har- 
bour of Plymouth, five natives of America, 
three of whom were eagerly feized by Gor- 
ges, and retained in his fervice for three years. 
Finding them of a tra<5lable and comxmuni- 
cative difpohtion, and having won their af- 
fedtions by gentle treatment, he learned from 
them many particulars concerning their 
country, its rivers, harbours, iilands,iifherie$ 
and other produces ; and the numbers, force, 
difpofition and government of the natives ; 
and from this information he conceived fan- 
guine hopes of indulging his genius, and mak- 
ing his fortune, by a thorough difcovery of 
the country. For this purpofe he, in con- KarSve. 
jun(5lionwith others, ventured feveral fliips, 
whereof fome met with peculiar misfortunes j 
and others brought home accounts, which, 
though difcouraging to fome of his alTociates, 
made him determine upon farther attempts, 
Vv^hercin his refolution and perfeverance were 
more conlpicuous than any folid gain. Thefe 
tranfacftions were previous to the eftablifli- 
ment of the council ; in foliciting which, 
Gorges was fo extremely active, that he was 
•appointed their prelident, and had a principal 
iliare in all their tranfadions. Mafon was a 



14 HISTORY OF 

1620* merchant of London, but became a fea-ofHcer, 
and, after the peace, governor of Newfound- 
land, where he acquired a knowledge of 
America, which led him, on his return to 
England, into a clofe attachment to thofe who 
were engaged in its difcovery ; and upon 
fome vacancy in the council, he was eled:ed 
a member and became their fecretary ; being 
alfo governor of Portfmouth in Hamplhire. 

1621. f^^ procured a grant from the council, of all 
March 9. the land from the river of Naumkeag, [now 

iSalem] round Cape Anne, to the river Mer- 
rimack ; and up each of thofe rivers to the 
farthefl head thereof ; then to crofs over from 
the head of the one to the head of the other ; 
with all the iflands lying within three miles 
of the coafl. This diilriiffc was called Ma- 

1622. RiANA. The next year another grant was 
Aug. 10. i-i-^3^(^^e^ t-Q Gorges and Maipn jointly, of all 

the lands between the rivers Merrimack and 
Sagadchock, extending back to the great 
lakes and river of Canada, and this was called 
Laconia. 

Under the authority of this grant, Gorges 
and Mafon, in conjundlion with feveral mer- 
chants of London, Briftol, Exeter, Plymouth, 
Shrewfbury and Dorchefler, who llyled them- 
felves " The company of Laconia," attempted 
the eftabliihment of a colony and fifliery at 
the river Pafcataqua ; and in the fpring of 

1623. the follovving year fent over David Thomp- 
fon, a Scotftnan, Edward and William Hil- 
ton, fiihmongers of London, with a number 
of other people, in two divifions, farniflicd 
with all neceilaries to carry on their dcfign. 
One of thefe companies landed on the fouth^ 
ern lliorc of the river, at its mouth, and call. 



n£w-hampshire. 15 

ed the place Little-Harbour : Here they 1623» 
erecfted falt-works, and built an houie which 
was afterward called Mafon-Hall ; but the 
Hiltons fet up their flages eight miles fur- 
ther up the river toward the northweft, ona 
neck of land which the Indians called Win- , 

nichahannat, but they named Northam, and ms. 
afterward Dover. Thompfon not being pleaf- 
ed with his fituation, removed the next fpring lg24. 
to an illand in the bay of MafTa-chufetts ; this 
the General Court afterward confirmed to pence's 
him and ftill bears his name. 

Thefe fettlements went on but flowly for 
feveral years, but the natives being peaceable 
and feveral other fmall beginnings being made 
along the coaft as far as Plymouth, a neigh- 
bourly intercourfe was kept up among them, 
each following their refpedlive employments 
of fifliing, trading and planting, till the dif- 
orderly behaviour of one Morton, at Mount 
Wollailon in the Bay of MafFachufetts, cauf- , r>qo 
ed an alarm among the fcattered fettlements 
as far as Pafcataqua. This man had, in de- 
fiance of the king's proclamation, made a 
pra^ftice of felling arms and ammunition to 
the Indians, whom he employed in hunting 
and fowling for him ; fo that the Englifh, 
feeing the Indians armed in the woods, be- 
gan to be in terror. They alfo apprehended 
danger of another kind ; for Morton's plan- 
tation was a receptacle for difcontented fer- 
vants, whofc defertion weakened the fettle- 
ments, and who, being there without law, 
were more formidable than the favages them- 
felves. The principal perfons of Pafcataqua 
therefore readily united with their neie:h- ^""cj^'s 
bours, m maknig application to the colony 



1629. 



May 17. 



i6 iilSTORY OF 

1628. of Plymouth, which was of more forcfe tliaj^ 
all the reil, to put a flop to this growing mif- 
chief ; which they happily efFecfted by feiz- 
ing Morton and fending him prifoner to 
England. 

Some of the fcattered planters in the Bay 
of MafEichufetts, being delirous of making a 
fettlement in the neighbourhood of Pafcata- 
qua, and following the example of thofe at 
Plymouth, who had purchafed their lands of 
the Indians, which they confcientioufly 
thought neceffary to give them ajuft title, pro- 
cured a general meeting of Indians, at Squam- 
fcot falls, where they obtained a deed from 
PafTaconaway Sagamore of Penacook, Run- 
naawitt of Pantucket, Waliangnonawit of 
Squamfcot, and Rowls of Newichwannock : 
wherein they express their * defire to have 
' the Englifh come and fettle among them a^ 

* among their countrymen in Mallachufetts, 
'whereby they hope to be ftrengthened- 
' againil their enemies the Tarrateens ; and 
'' accordingly njo'ith the uuiverfal confent of their 
^fuhjeEls^ for what they deemed a valuable con- 
' fideration in coats, fliirts and kettles, fell to 
' John Whelewrightof the MafTachufetts Bay, 
' late of England, minifter of the gofpel, Au- 
*gufline Story [or Storer] Thomas Wight, 

* William W^entworth, and Thomas Leavit, 
" all that part of the main Land bounded by 
" the river Pafcataqua and the river Merri- 
" mack, to begin at Newichwannock falls in 
" Pafcataqua river aforefaid, and down faid 
*' river to the fca ; and along the fea-lhore to 
" Merrimack river ; and up faid river to the 
*' falls at Pantucket ; and from thence upon a 
** northwefl line^ twenty Engliih miles into 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 17 

*' the woods ; and from thence upon a flrait 1629. 
" line norcheaft, till it meet with, the main 
''rivers that rmi down to Pantucket falls, 
" and Newichwannock falls aforefaid* ; the 
" faid rivers to be the bounds from the thwart 
" or head line to the aforefaid falls, and from 
"thence the main channel of each river to 
" the fea to be the fide bounds ; together with 
" all the illands within the faid bounds ; as 
" alfo the ifles of flioals fo called." The con- 
ditions of this grant were, ' that Whelewright 
' fliould within ten years, begin a plantation 
' at Squamfcot falls ; that other inhabitants 
' fliould have the fame privileges with him ; 
' that no plantation ihould exceed ten miles 
' fquare ; that no lands fliould be granted 
' but in townfliips ; and that thefe fhould be 

* fubjeil to the government of the MafTa- 

* chufetts colony, until they fhould have 
' a fetded government among them- 
' felves ; that for each townfhip there fhould 

* be paid an annual acknowledgment of" one 
" coat of trucking cloth," to PafTaconaway the 

* chief Sagamore or his fucceflbrs, and two 

* bufhels of Indian corn to Whelewright and 
' his heirs. The Indians referved to them- 

* felves free liberty of fifhing, fowling, hunt- 
'ingidid planting within thefe limits.' The ]^scopy 
principal perfons of Pafcataqua and the prov- coun' fiic*. 
ince of Maine were witnefles to the fiibfcrib- 

ing of this inflrument, and giving pofTefTion 
of the lands. 

By this deed the Englifh inhabitants with- 
in thefe limits obtained a right to the foil 

* Tae N\V line here desciihed wiilend within the township of Amherst ; 
and the NE line from thence will cross the river Me rrirnaek about AmT'siieag 
falls, and ps-ing through Chester, Nottingham, Barringtojis».n-l r.oches;-?r, 
v.';:l Etijl^e Ns' vlcljwannock river abont ten miles above the Salmon falls. 

C 



18 fellSTORY OF 

1629. from the original proprietors, more valuable 
ill a moral view, than the grants of any Eu- 
ropean prince could convey. If we fmile at 
the arrogance of a Roman Pontiff in aifum- 
ing to divide the whole new world between 
the Spaniards and Portuguefe, with what 
conlillency can we admit the right of a king 
of England, to parcel out America to his 
fubjecls, when he had neither purchafed nor 
conquered it, nor could pretend any other 
title, than that fome of his fubjedls were the 
ffirft Europeans who difcovered it, while it 
was in pofTeilion of its native lords ? The only 
validity which fuch grants could have in the 
eye of reafon was, that the grantees had froin 
their prince a permifTion to negotiate with 
the pofTefTors for the purchafe of the foil, and 

Nov. 7. thereupon a power of jurifdidlion fubordi- 
nate to his crown. 

The faine year Captain Mafon procured a 
new patent, under the common feal of the 
council of Plymouth, for the land " from the 
" middle of Pafcataqua river and up the fame 
" to the farthefl head thereof, and from thence 
'' northweflward until iixty miles from the 
" mouth of the harbour were finiihed ; alfo 
" through Merrimack river, to the farthell 
" head thereof, and fo forward up into the 
" land weftward, until (ixty miles were finilh- 

Ms^in files t< gj . ^^^^ froiii theuce to crofs over land to 

Court. " the end of die iixty miles accounted from 
" Pafcataqua river ; together with all iilands 
"within five leagues of the coaft." This tracl 
of land was called New-Hampshire: It 
comprehended the whole of Whelewright's 
purchafe ; and unlefs Mafon's intention was 
to fruflrate his title, it is diflicult to ailign a 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 19 

reafon for the procurement of this patent, as 1629. 
the fame land, with much more, had been 
granted to Gorges and Mafon jointly, {even 
years before. If there was an agreement be- 
tween them to divide the province of Laco- 
nia, and take out new patents from the coun- 
cil, in preference to the making a deed of par- 
tition ; it is not eafy to conceive why the 
weilern boundary fliould be contracted to Gorges' 
fixty miles from the fea, when the lakes and History of 
river of Canada were fuppofed to be but 48"^"*^' ' ' 
ninety or an hundred miles from Pafcataqua. 
If this grant was intended as an equivalent 
for the patent of Mariana, which the coun- 
cil had the preceding year included in their 
deed to the MalTachufetts company ; it is im- 
pcilible to account for the exteniion of New- 
Hampfhire to the river Merrimack, when the 
grant of MafTachufetts reached to " three miles ] qqq 
" north of that river and of every partof it*\" March ik 

The weft country adventurers were not 
lefs attentive to their intereft ; for in the fol- 
lowing fpring they obtained a patent from 
the council whereby " all that part of the 
" river Pafcataqua called or known by the 
" name of Hilton's Point, with the fouth fide 

* Air. Hubbard in his MS 1iistoi7 says " it hath been affirmed by Mr. 
Josselyn, who first came over into New-England on Capt. Mason's account, 
that there was an ap;reement made between Mr. Mathew Cradock (the first ^"'} ^• 
Governor of tiie Massachusetts compar^y) and Captain John Mason, that the 
bounds of the iVlassachusetts should reach to three mites rurfhtvarJ of the Mt-r- 
rimsck, and the remainder of the land betwixt that line and Pascataqua river, 
should be left for Captain Mason's patent." 

The commissi iners sent by Charles IJ in 1664, report that " Mr. Mason 
had a patent for seme land abmut Cape Anne before the Massachusetts had 
their first patent ; whereupon Capt:dn Mason and Mr. Cradock agreed that 
the j\Tassachusetts should have that land, which was granted to Capt. Ma- 
son about Cape Anne, and Capt. Mason should have that land -which -wjs 6e- 
yond A'lcrrimcck anJ granted to the Mjssdchuselts. This a>:^reement was sent 
to Mr. Henry Jocelyn to get recorded at Boston, but before he could have 
leisure to go there he heard t'.iat Capt. Mason was dead and therefore went 
hot. Of this he made affidavit, before the commissioners." Hutch. C(^ 
lection Papers, p. 423. 



20 HISTORY OF 

1630, "of the faid river up to the falls of Squam- 
" fcot, and three miles into the main land 
" for breadth," was granted to Edward Hilton. 
This patent, fealed with the common feal of 
the council, and fubfcribed by the Earl of 
Warwick, fets forth, that Hilton and his alTo- 
ciates had at tht'ir own proper cofl and charg-^ 
es tranfported fervants, built houfes and 
planted corn at Hilton's Point, now Dover, 

MS Copy and intended the further increafe and ad-* 

tarj offlct vancement of the plantation. William Black- 

flone, V/illiam Jefferies and Thomas Lewis 

1631. or either of them, were impowered to give 
poffefTion of the premifes ; which was done 
by Lewis and the livery and feizin endorf- 
ed. Within thefe limits are contained the 
towns of Do\ er, Durham, and Stretham, with 
part of Newlngton and Greenland. It was 
commonly called Squamfcot patent, but fome- 
times Bloody-point patent, from a quarrel 
betv/een the agents of the two companies 
about a point of land in the river which was 
convenient for both ; and there being no 
government then eftablillied, the controver- 

liiibbard'i iV -■ ould have ended in blood, if the con- 

Alb. •" ^ 

tending parties had not been perfuaded 
to lefer the decifion of it to their employers. 
The London adventurers alfo thought it 
prudent to have fome fecurity for the inter-* 
Novem. 3- ^fj. -^j^j^^}^ they 1: ad advanced, and according- 
ly obtained a grant from the council, ot 
Hutch, vol. " that part of the patent of Laconia, on which 
»p-3i6. «^-j^g buildings and filt-works were ere(5led, 
" fituate on both fides the harbour and river 
" of Pafcataqua to the extent of five miles 
"weflward by the fea-coaft, then to croft 
" over towards the other plantation in the 



ts^EW-IIAMPSHlRE. 21 

^" hands of Edward Hilton." The grantees 163 L 
named in this patent* were, Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, Captain John Mafon, John Cotton, 
Henry Gardner, George Griffith, Edwin Gay, 
Thomas Warnerton, Thomas Eyre and Elie- 
zer Eyre, who, it is faid, had already ex- 
pended three thoufand pounds in the under- 
taking. They were to pay forty-eight pounds 
per annum by way of acknowledgment to 
the prefident and council, if demanded. Cap- jj^bbard'a 
tain Comocke, a relation of the Earl of War- ms. 
wick, with Henry Jocelyn, who were then 
intending a voyage here were appointed to 
put the grantees in pofTeffion. Within this 
patent are comprehended the towns of Portf- 
mouth, Ne wcaftle and Rye, with part of New- 
ington and Greenland. 

The whole interefb being thus divided into 
two parts. Captain Thomas Wiggen was ap- 
pointed agent for the upper, and Captain 
Walter Neal for the lower plantation ; with j^g iqu^i^, 
him were aflbciated Ambrofe Gibbons, George 
Vaughan, Thomas Warnerton, Humphrey 
Chadbourne and one Godfrie as fuperinten- 
dants of the feveral bulineiTes of trade, fifhe- 
ry, falt-making, building and hufbandry. 
Neal relided at Little-Harbour with Godtrie 
%vho had the care of the fifhery. Chadbourne 
built a houfe at Strawberry-bank, which was 
called the great hoiife^ in which Warnerton re- 
iided. Gibbons had the care of a faw-mill, 
and lived in a palifaded houfe at Newich- 
wannock, where he carried on trade with the 



■* Mr. Hubbard says, that this patent was in the hands of soine gentlemen 
at Portsmouth when he wrote. I have seen no eojiy of it but wliat is pre- 
ser\'ed in his MS history. There is amon^J' the ancii^nt files in the Recor- 
der's office, an invoice of goods sent over i!> 1631, subscribed by all the above 
nanies; except ths last, in whose stead is subscribed Willium Gyle.s. 



22 HISTORY OP 

1631. Indians. He afterward removed to Sander V 
point, where the adventurers gave him a fet- 
tlement for his faithful fervices. He was 
fucceeded at Newichwamiockby Chadbourne, 
whofe polterity are perfons of principle fig- 
ure and intereft there at tliis day. The pro- 
prietors were alfo careful to provide for the 
defence of their plantations, and fent over fev- 
eral cannon wliich they diredled their agents 
to mount in the moft convenient place for a 
fort. They accordingly placed them on the 
northeaft point of the Great-Ifland at the 
mouth of the harbour, and laid out the 
MS in the ground "about a bow-ihot from the water- 
fiies. "fide to a high rock, on which it was in- 
"tended in time to build the principal fort." 
A great part of Captain Neal's errand was 
to penetrate the interior part of the province 
Gor es' ^^ Lacouia, concerning which the adventur- 
History of ers had formed very fanguine expe6lations. 
^menc-i, j^ ^^^ dcfcribed as containing divers lakes, 
and extending back to a great lake and river 
in the country of the Iroquois. This river 
was faid to be fair and large, containing ma- 
ny fruitful illands ; the air pure and falubri- 
ous ; the country pleafiint, having fome high 
hills ; full of goodly forefts, fair vallies and 
fertile plains ; abounding in corn, vines, chef- 
nuts, walnuts, and many other forts of fruit ; 
the rivers well ftored with filh, and environ- 
ed with goodly meadows fnll ot timber-trees. 
In the great lake were faid to be four iflands, 
full of pleafant woods and meadows, having 
great fl;ore of flags, fallow-deer, elks, roer 
bucks, beavers and other game, and thefe 
iflands were fuppofed to be commodioufly 
fituated for habitation and traffic, in the 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 23 

midft of a fine lake, abounding with the mod 1631, 
dehcate filh. No one who is acquainted with 
the interior part of the country in its wilder- 
nefs ftate, can forbear fmiling at this roman- 
tic defcription, penned in the true flyle of 
adventurers : yet fuch an impreflion had the 
charms of Laconia made on the minds of 
our firfl fettlers, that Neal let out on foot, in 
company with Jocelyn and Darby Field, to i/^o« 
difcover thefe beautiful lakes, and fettle a 
trade with the Indians by pinnaces, imagin- 
ing the diflance to be fliort of an hundred 
miles. In the courfe of their travels, they 
vifited the white mountains, which they de- 
fcribed in the fame romantic ftyle, to be a 
ridge, extending an hundred leagues, on 
which fnow lieth all the year, and inaccefli- 
ble but by the gullies which the diffolved ^[^ 
fnow hath made : on one of thefe mountains New-Eng* 
they reported to have found a plain of a day's 
journey over, whereon nothing grows but 
rnofs ; and at the further end of this plain, a 
rude heap of mafTy (tones, piled up on one ano- 
ther a mile high ; on which one might afcend 
from Hone to flone, like a pair of winding 
flairs, to the top, where was another level of 
about an acre, v/ith a pond of clear water. 
This fummit was faid to be far above the 
clouds, and from hence they beheld a va- 
por like a vail pillar, drawn up by the fun- 
beams, out of a great lake into the air, where 
it was formed into a cloud. The country 
beyond thefe mountains northward, was faid 
to be " daunting terrible," full of rocky hills, 
as thick as mole-hills in a meadow, and 
clothed with infinite thick woods. They had 
great exped;acion of finding precious ftones 



M 



laisTOkY o? 



1632. 

Hubba rd's 
MS Hist. 



Corgea' 
History of 
An.erica, 
p. 48. 



November. 



Priiice's 
Annals, 
vol. 2. p. 
73. 83 

1633. 



on tliei*e mountains ; and fome thing refem- 
bling chryflal being picked up, was fufEcient 
to give them the name of the Chrystal- 
HiLLS. From hence they continued their 
route in fearch of the lake ; till finding their 
provifion almoft fpent, and the forefts of La- 
conia yielding no iupply, they were obliged 
to return when they fuppoied themfclves fo 
far advanced, that " tiie difcovery wanted 
" but one day's journey of being finiihed*.'* 

This expedition, being ended, was fiicceed- 
ed by one of another kind. The coaR was 
alarmed by the report of a pirate, one Dixy 
Bull ; who with fifteen others, being employ- 
ed in the Indian trade at the eaflward, had 
taken feveral boats and rilled the fort at Pe~ 
maquid. Neal, in conjuncftion with the oth- 
ers, equipped four pinnaces and fhallops, 
manned with forty men, being all the force 
that both plantations could fpare who, being 
joined by twenty more in a bark from Bof- 
ton, proceeded to Pemaquid ; but contrary 
winds and bad weather obliged them to re- 
turn without meeting the pirates, who made 
their way farther to the eaflward, and at 
length got to England ; where Bull met with 
his deferts. The company on their return 
hanged, at Richmond's ifland, an Indian who 
had been concerned in the murder of an 
Englifhman. 

The next year Neal and Wiggen joined in 
furveying their refpe(5live patents, and lay- 
ing out the towns of Portfmouth and North- 



*Mr. HiibKitd, and aftor ]y.m Governor Hntcninson, place tiiis dhcovery 
of the White Hiils in 1642. But as Neal had positive orders to discover 
the lakes, and tarried but three years in the country, employing great part of 
bis time in searching the woo-'Js. it is probable that Mv. Hubbard ni.'stooU 
ovz fig-ure in his da??. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 25 

am, and another which was called Hampton, 1633. 
thovigh no fettlement had been made there. 
They alfo agreed with Whelewright that 
the plantation which he had undertaken to 
make at Squamfcot falls, Ihould be called 
Exeter ; and determined the bounds between 
his land and theirs. This furvey was made 
by order of the company of Laconia, who 
gave names to the four towns, and the tranf- ^s in Re. 
adlion was duly reported to them : foon af- Jf^^*"'® 
ter which Neal returned to England. 

From a number of letters that pafTed be- 
tween the adventurers and Gibbons their fac- 
tor, and which are yet preferved, it appears 
that their views were chiefly turned toward 
the difcovery of the lakes and of mines ; the 
cultivation of grapes, and the advantages of 
trade and fifhery ; and that little regard was 
had to agriculture, the fureft foundation of 
all other improvements in fuch a country as 
this. They often complain of their expen- 
ces, as indeed they might with reafon ; for 
they had not only to pay wages to their col- 
onifts, but to fupply them with proviiions, 
clothing, utenlils, medicines, articles of trade, 
implements for building, hufbandry and hill- 
ing, and to flock their plantations with cat- 
tle, fwine, and goats. Bread was either 
brought from Englandin meal,or from Virgin- 
ia in grain, and then fent to the wind-mill Annafs,^ 
at Boflon, there being none eredled here. Ve- g^' ^^f- 
ry little improvement was made on the lands ; 
the lakes were not explored ; the vines were 
planted but came to nothing ; no mines were 
found but thofe of iron, and thefe were not 
wrought ; three or four houfes only were 
built v/ithin the firfl feven years ; the peltry 

D 



26 HISTORY OF 

1633, trade with the Indians was of fome vahie^ 
and the fifhery ferved for the fupport of the 
inhabitants ; but yielded no great profit to 
the adventurers, who received but inade- 
quate returns in lumber and furs. They faw 
their intereft finking apace, and grew difpi- 
rited ; and the major part of them either re- 
linquiihed the deiign, or ibid their fhares to 
Malbn and Gorges, who vv^ere more fanguine 
than the refl, and became (either by purchafe 
or tacit confent of the others) the principal, 
if not fole proprietors. 1 hefe gentlemen re- 
newed their exertions with greater vigour, 
fent over a freih fupply of fervants, and ma- 
terials for carrying on the fettlement, and ap- 
pointed Francis Williams their governor. He 
16o4. ^rv^s a gentleman of good fenfe and difcretion ; 
and fo very acceptable to the people, that 
when they combined in a body politic they 
continued him at their head. 
HubhM I's "The charter by vs^hich the council of Ply m- 
M^ Hist, outh was eflablifhed, had been from the be- 
1635. ginning difrelifhed by the Virginia compa- 
ny y who fpared no pains to get it revoked. 
Their applications to the king proved fruit- 
lefs ; but when the parliament began to en- 
quire into the grievances of the nation, this 
patent was complained of as a mouopoly. 
Sir Ferdinando Gorges, being fummoned, ap- 
peared before them, and both in perfon and 
by his council defended it in a mafterly man- 
Narrative. Her, but luvam ; lor when the national priey^ 
p. 22 & 44. j^j^j^gg ^vere prefented to the throne, the pa- 
tent of New-England was the firlh The 
council alfo had got into difrepute w4th the 
high-church party, for having encouraged 
tjie fettlement of the Plymouth and Maifa- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 27 

chufetts colonifts, who fled from their perfe- 1635* 
cutions. Thefe prejudices againfl diem, ope- 
rating as difcouragements to their undertak- 
ing, induced the council to refign their char- 
ter to the king ; having previoufly taken care 
to fecure fome portion of the expiring inter- 
ell to fuch of themfelves as were difpofed to 
accept it. The fcheme they had in view was 
to divide their territory into twelve provinces, 
under as many proprietary governors, fub- 
jedl to one general governor ; and they went 
fo far as to nominate Gorges, then threefcore 
years of age, for the perfon, and build a ihip 
of war, which was to bring hirn over and re- 
main in the fervice of the country. But the 
fhip fell and broke in the launching ; and 
their projedl not being falEciently attended JJ^HiVt' 
to by thofe in power, they were obliged to 
be content with fuch grants as they could 
make of thofe diflridls, into w^hicli they had 
divided the country. That which was now 
made to Mafon comprehended both his for- 
mer patents, extending from Naumkeag to 
Pafcataqwi, and iixty miles northweilward 
within the land, together with the fouth half 
of the Ides of Shoals, and ten thoufand acres 
at Sagadahock ; fiving to thofe already fet- 
tled within thefe limits, the property of their 
lawful grants on paying "fome fmall ac- Files of the 
" knowiedgment" to the proprietor. This s^p-^^""^*- 
grant was dated the twenty-fecond of April*. Hubbard's 
In June following, the council furrendered ^^^ ^'^*- 
their charter to the king ; and in September 

* Whetlter Captain ATasonl-.ad his tide co'ifirme<? by the kins: after the 
surrender of the c'larter J3 a poiat that has been questioned, 1 shall herecol- 
Ject what evidence I have met with on both sides. 

In a pamplilet published in 1728, containing- a detail of the grants and 
■transactions of Captain Rlasoi). it is said '• Ring CI ailcs 1. hy charter dated 



28 HISTORY OF 

1635. Gorges fold to M^fon a tracfl of land on the 
northeail fide of the river Palcataqua, extend- 
ing three miles in breadth, and following 
the courfe of the river from its mouth to 
its fartheilhead,includingthefaw-mill w^hich 
had been built at the falls of New^ichv/an- 



Printed 
State of 
AlWsTi- j^Q^I^^ 



'^ov. 26. 



Bu: death which put$ an end to the fairefl 
prolpe(5ls, cut off all the hopes which Mafon 
had entertained of aggrandizing his fortune, 
by the fettlement of New-PIampfhire. By. 
his laft will, which he figned a few days be- 
fore his death, he difpofed of his American 
eflate in the following manner, viz. ' To 

* the corporation of Lynn Regis in Norfolk, 
' the place of his nativity, he gave two thou- 
^ fand acres of land in New-Hampfhire, fub- 
'j eel to the yearly rent of one penny per 

* acre to his heirs, and tv/o fifths of all mines 

" Aiif^. 19, lo3n, gives, grants and confirms unto Capt. John Alason, then 

"called treasurer and pnyiTiastcr of liis army, his heirs and assi;rns, al! the 

"aforesaid tract of land, granted to him by tlie council of Plymouth, by the 

" naine of tlie province of New- Hampshire ; nvith po-wcr of y^o-frnment^ and a.; 

" ample jurisdiclion and prerogatives as used by the bishop of Durham ;cre- 

"ating liimand his aforesaids absolute lords and proprietors of the province of 

" New-Hampshire, with power of conferring honours, &c. On thisautliori- 

ty (I suppose) Douglass has asserted the same thing. On which Hutchin- 

Doug. Foii remarks " This is not probable. His heirs were certainly unacquainted 

Summary, "with it, or they would have made mention of it before the king in council 

I. 418. " in 1631." T'le report of the [,ords Chief Justices in J 677, wherein the 

Hist. Mass. several grants are recited, makes no mention of this : But on the contrary it 

1.317. is said, " As to Mr. Mason's r/g-A; of gu-ucrmnent witlun the soil he claimed, 

" their lordships, and infleed his own courcil, agreed h.e hdd none ; the great 

" covmcil of Plymouth, under whom he claimed, having no power to transfer 

"government to any." The Lords of Trade in a report to the king in 1753, 

"say, '• It is alledged that this last grant to Ma.'^pn was ratiliedar.d confirmed 

*' by the crown, by charter dated Aug. 19, 1635, with full power of civjl \n- 

"■ risdiction and government, but no such charter js this appears upon record.'''' 

None o5 Mason's heirs ever attempted to assume government by virtue of 
such a charter, as the heirs of Gorges did in the province of Maine. Kobert 
Mason was appointed councelior by mandamus, and ."Samuel Allen, who pur- 
chafed the title, was governor by commission from the crown. 

There is an original letter in the Recorder's files, written by George 
Vaughnn to Ambro.e Gibbons, both factors for the company of laconia 
April 10, 1636, long befcre any controversy arose on this point, which may 
give more light to it than any thing that has yet been publislied. I shall 
,4;ivc it a t;l;ice in the Appendix. 



KEW-HAMPSniRfi. S§ 

* royal ; on condition that five families fliould 1635. 

* within five years be fettled thereupon. To 
' his brother in law John Wallafton, three 
' thonfand acres, fubjedl to the yearly rent of 
' one Ihilling. To his grandchild Anne Tuf- 
^ ton, ten thoufand acres at Sagadahock. To 
' Robert Tufcon, his grandfon, he gave his 
' manor of Mafon-hall, on condition that he 
' ihould take the firname of Mafon, He alfo 
' gave to his brother Wallafton in trufl, one 
' thoufand acres for the maintenance of " an 
*' honefl, godly and religious preacher of 
" God's word ;" and one thoufand more for 
' the fupport of a grammar-fchool ; each of 

* thefe ellates to be conveyed to feoffees in 

* trujft, and their fucceffors, paying annually 
' one penny per acre to his heirs. The refi- 
' due of his eft ate in New-Hampfhire he gave 
' to his grandfon John Tufton, he taking the 
' firname of Mafon, and to his lawful iffue ; 

* or in want thereof to Robert Tiifton and his 
' lawful ilTue ; or in want thereof to Doclor 
*■ Robert Mafon, chancellor of the diocefe of 
' Winchefter, and his lawful iifue ; or, in 
' want of fuch iffue, to his ov/n other right heirs 

* forever ; provided that it fliould not go out 

* of the name of Mafon. The refiduary leea- 

* tee v/as required to pay five hundred pounds 
' out of this eftate to his fifter Mary and all 
' the grandchildren were to relinquifli their 
' right to one thoufand pounds due from this 

* eftate to their father Jofeph Tufton.' The 
eftate in America was valued in the invento- 
ry at ten thoufand pounds fterling. 

The Maflachufetts planters viewed Mafon ms in sup. 
as their enemy, becaufe he with Gorges had ^^o""^*^^^- 
privately encouraged fome perfons whom 



so HISTORY OF 

1635. they had cenfared and fem home, to petition 
againfl themas difaiFededtothe government j 
and had endeavoured to get their charter fet 
afide, to make way for tiie fcheme of a gene- 
ral governor*. 

But though Mafonand Gorges had not the 
fame rehgioiis vievsrs with the Maifachufetts 
planters, yet their memory deferves refpedl. 
They were boch heartily engaged in the fet- 
tlement of the country ; they funk their ef' 
tates in the undertaking, and reaped no profit 
to themfelves ; yet their enterprizing fpirit 
excited emulation in others, who had the ad- 
vantage of improving their plans and avoid- 
ing their miftakes. Gorges accounted for the 
ill fuccefs of his adventures in the following 
manner. 1. He began when there was no 
hope of any thing for the prefent but lofs ; as 
he had firll to feek a place ; which, being 
Gffges' found, was a wildernefs ; and fo gloomy was 
Narrative, the profpe6l, that he could fcarce procure any 
to go, much lefs to rehde in it; and'tlioie 
whom he at length fent, could not fubfifl but 
on the provifions w4th w^hich he fupplied 
them. 2. He fought not barely his own prof- 
it, but the thorough difcovery of the coun- 
try ; wherein he went fo far (with the help of 
his afTociates) as to open the way for others 

* Mr. Hubbard relates the following anecdote, without mentiontn? the 
name of the person. " One of the o^entlemen who was kjio.vn to h one of 
" the 8;)'e'itest adversaries to the a Tairs of the Massachusetts, fell sic'v and 
"died. In Ins sicliness he sent for the minister, and bewailcfl his enmify 
" against them : and promised if he reco^ereJ, he would be as good a friend 
" to New-Eno;!and. as he had been an enemy : but iiis fatal hour being come, 
'■ his purposes of that nature were cut oft'. The piissageaforcsjoinjr wascer- 
^ceriirieil by letters from Lord Pay and others to the governor of New- 
" En'dan-1 about the year lfi35." 

Governor Wint'irop has the following remark in his Journal. "1636. 
" The last winter Captain Mason died. He was the chief rnover, in all at- 
" tempts against" us ; and was to have sent the general governor ; and for 
" this end was providing ships. But the Lord in tnenj taking him awdy, 
' iil! tl'.e business fell on sleep." 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE'. 31 

to make their gain. 3. He never went in 1635. 
perfon to overfee the people whom he em- 
ployed. 4. There was no fettled government 
to punifh offenders, or mifpenders of their 
mailers' goods. Two other things contribut- 
ed to the difappointment in as great, if not a 
greater degree than what he has affigned. 
The one was that inflead of applying them- 
fel ves chiefly to hiiihandry,the original fource 
of wealth and independence in fuch a coun- 
try as this ; he and his affociates, being mer- 
chants, were rather intent on trade and fifli- 
ery as their primary objedls. Thefe cannot 
be profitable in a new country, until the 
foundation is laid in the cultivation of the 
lands. If the lumber trade and fifhery can- 
not now be carried on to advantage, without 
the conftant aid of hufbandry in their neigh- 
bourhood, how could a colony of traders and 
fiihermen make profitable returns to their 
employers, when the huibandry neceffary 
for their f jpport was at the diftance of Vir- 
ginia or England ? The other miflake which 
thefe adventurers fell into was the idea of 
lordHiip, and the granting of lands not as 
freeholds, but by leafes fubjecfl to quit-rents. 
To fettle a colony of tenants in a climate fo 
far northward, where the charges of fabfift- 
ence and improvement were much greater 
than the value of the lands, after the improve- 
ments were made ; efpecially in the neigh- 
bourhood of fo refpedlable and growing a 
colony as that of Maffachufetts, was indeed a 
chiinerical projecfl ; and had not the wifer 
people among them fought an union with the 
Maffachufetts, in all probability the fettle- 
ments mult have been deferted. 



3S HISTORY OF 



CHAP. 11. 

Troubles at Dover. — Settlements of Exctrr and iTamfitoi^. — 
Ruin of Miuori's interest. — -Sloru of Uiu1<rbill. — Combina- 
tivns at Fortv?nojith and Dover. — Union of J^'eiu- Hampshire 
iviih IvIaiiaachuaeCts. 

^^v^'^HILE die lower plantation on the 
river Pafcataqua lay under difcouragement 
by the death of its principal patron, the up- 
per fettlement, though carried on with more 
fuccefs, had peculiar diiEculties to ftruggle 
with. Two thirds of this patent belonged 
to fome merchants of Briflol, the other third 
to fome of Shrewlbury ; and there was an 
agreement that the divifion fliould be made 
by indifferent men. Captain Wiggen who 
was fent over to fuperintend their affairs, af- 
ter about one year's refidence in the country 
made a voyage to England, to procure more 
ample means for carrying on the plantation. 
In the mean time thofe of Briilol had fold 
their interefl to the lords Say and Broke, 
George Willys and Willian^i Whiting, who 
continued Wiggen in the agency, and pro- 
cured a confiderable nurhber of families in the 
Weft of England, fome of whom were of good 
lf^33 eftates, and " of fome account for religion,'* 
HiiWMrd'8 to come over and increafe the colony. It ap- 
D^ve^'Rec- pc^^s from aucieut records that Wiggen had 
ords. a power of granting lands to the fettlers ; but, 
as trade was their principal objed:, they took 
up fmall lots, intending to build a compact 
town on Dover Neck, which lies between two 
branches of the river, and is a fme, dry, and 
healthy fituation ; fo high as to command all 
the neighbouring lliores, and afford a very 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. S3 

extenfive and delightful profpecl. On the 1633* 
mofl inviting part of this eminence they 
built a meeting-houfe, which was afterward 
lurrounded with an entrenchment and flank- 
arts, the remains of which are flill vilible. 
Wiggen alfo brought over William Leverich, 
a worthy and able puritan minifler ; but his 
allowance from the adventurers proving too 
fmall for his fupport in a new country, where 
all the necellaries of life were fcarce and 
dear, he was obliged to remove to the fouth- 
ward ; and fettled at Sandwich in the colony ^^^ 

of Plymouth. This proved an unhappy event 
to the people, who, being left deflitute of reg- 
ular inftrudlion, were expofed to the intru- 
fions of artful impoflors. 

The firfl of thefe was one Burdet. He had 1634. 
been a minifler at Yarmouth in En2:land ; 
but either really or pretendedly taking of- j^g His^ 
fence at the extravagancies of the bifhops 
and fpiritual courts, came over to New-Eng- 
land, and joined with the church in Salem, 
who employed him for a year or two as a 
preacher, being a good fcholar and plaufible 
in his behaviour. But, difgufled with the 
flrictnefs of their difcipline, he removed to 
Dover j and continued forfometime in good ef^ 
teem with the people as a preacher; until by l^^o-- 
artful infinuations he raifed fuch a jealoufy 
in their minds againfl AViggen their gover- 
nor, that they deprived him of his office, and 
elected Burdet in his place. 

During his refidence here, he carried on a 

correfpondence with Archbifhop Laud to the 

difadvantage of the MafTachufetts colony, 

reprefenting them as hypocritical and difaf- 1637, 

fecled, and that under pretence of greater pu- 
i: 



54 HIST alt Y ov 

1637. rity and clifcipline in matters of religion, 
they were aiming at independent fovereign- 
ty ; it being accounted perjury and treafon 
by their general court, to fpeak of appeals to 
the kine. The prelate thanked him for his , 

looo. 2gal in the king's fervice, and affured him 
that care fhould be taken to redrefs thofe dif- 
orders when leifure from their other concerns 
would permit. This letter of the archbiihop 
was intercepted, and fliewn to the governor 
of MalTachufetts. Burdet's villainy was con- 
fide red as the more atrocious, becatife he had 
been admitted a freeman of their corpora- 
tion, and had taken the oath of fidelity. A 
copy of his own letter was afterward found 
in his clofet. 

About this time, the Antinomian contro- 
verfy at Boflon having occafioned the ban- 
ifliment of the principal perfons of that fe(51:, 
feveral of them retired to this fettlement, be- 
ing without the jurifdicSlion of Maffachufetts. 
When this was known, Governor Winthrop 
wrote to Wiggen, Burdet and others of this 
plantation, ' that as there had hitherto been a 

* good correfpondence between them it would 

* be much refented if they fhould receive the 

* exiles ; and intimating the intention of the 

* general court to furvey the utmoft limits of 
' their patent, and make ufe of them.' To 
this Burdet returned a fcornful anfwer, re- 
fufing to give the governor his title. The 
governor thought of citing him to court to 
anfwer for his contempt; but was dilluaded 
from it by Dudley, the deputy-governor, who 
judged it imprudent to exafperate him, left 
he Ihould avenge himfelf by farther acculing 
them to their enemies in England. The 



KEW-HAMPSHIRE^ 35 

governor contented himfelf with fending to 163&, 
Hilton an account of Burdet's behaviour, in- 
clofing a copy of his letter, and cautioning 
the people not to put themfelves too far un- 
der his power. His true character did not 
Jong remain fecret ; for being detedled in 
fome lewd adlions he made a precipitate re- 
moval to Agamenticus [now York] in the 
province of Maine, where he alfo afTumed to 
rule, and continued a courfe of injuftice and 
adultery till the arrival of Thomas Gorges, 
their governor, [in 1640] who laid a fine on 
him, and feized his cattle for the payment of 
it*. He appealed to the king, but his appeal 
not being admitted, he departed for England 
full of enmity againft thefe plantations. 
When he arrived, he found all in confufion ; 
and failing in with the royalifts was taken 
^nd imprifoned by the parliamentary par- 
ty, which is the lail account we have of 
him. 

One of the exiles on account of the Ami- 
nomian controverfy, was John Whelewright, 
brother to the famous Anne Hutchinfon. 
He had been a preacher at Braintree, which 
•was then part of Bofloii, and was a gentle- 
man of learning, piety and zeal. Having en- 
gaged to make afettlement within ten years, 
on the lands he had purchafed of the Indians 
at Tquamfcot falls, he with a number of his 
adherents began a plantation there, which 
according to the agreement made witli Ma- 
fon's agents they called Exeter. Having ob- 
tained a difmillion from the church in 



* The records of tl>e court mention him as " a man of ill nanie 915^ 
" f^me, infamous fyr incantineney." Lib. A. Sept^ ^th, 164S. 



Exeter 



30 HISTORY OF 

1638. Bollon*, they , formed diemfelves into a;- 
church ; and judging themfelves without the 
jurifdidiion of MafTachufetts, they combin- 
ed into a feparate body politic, and chofe rul- 
ers and aflillants, who were fworn to the due 

Rtwds. difcharge of their office, and the people were 
as folemnly fworn to obey them. 7 heir 
rulers were Ifaac Groffe, Nicholas Needham, 
and Thomas Wilfon ; each of whom contin- 
ued in office the fpace of a year, having two 
affiftants. The laws were made in a popular 
alfembly and formally confented to by the 
rulers. Treafon, and rebellion againfl tlie 
king, (who is ftyled "the Lord's anointed") 
or the country, w^ere made capital crimes ; 
and fedition was punifliable by a fine of ten 
pounds, or otherwife, at the difcretion of 
the court. This combination fubfifted three 
years. 

About the fame time a plantation was 
formed at Winnicumet, wdiich was called 
Hampton. The principal inducement to the 
making this fettlement was the very exten- 
five falt-marfli, w^hich was extrem.ely valua- 
. ble, as the uplands were not cultivated fo as 
to produce a fufficiency of hay for the fup- 
port of cattle. With a view to fecure thele 
meadows, the general court of Maffachufetts 
had [in 1636] empow^ered Mr. Dummer of 
Newbury, with John Spencer, to build an 

-idT" ^^' i^^"^i^e there at the expence of the colony, 
-which v/as to be refunded by thofe whp 

* The rami's of those w!io were thus dismissed were, 
Tcilm Whclewrif^ht, Christopher Maishnil, 

Richard Merrjs, Gcorj;;e Baytes, 

Ricl:ard Bu!<i;ar, Thomas Wardell, 

Philemon Purmct, WJlUain Wardell. 

Isaac Gro-.Eo> (J^osto:- Ckmch Records:) 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 3*7 

iliould fettle there. Accordingly an houfe 1638. 
was built, and commonly called the Bound- 
houfe ; though it was intended as a mark of 
poiTeifion rather than of limits. The archi- 
tect was Nicholas Ealloft, who foon after re- century' ' 
moved to Rhode-Ifland, and built the firll Sermon, 

p. 93« 

Englifla houfe in Newport. 

This entrance being made, a petition was 
prefented to the court by a number of per- ms of MrV 
fons, chiefly from Norfolk in England, pray- ^'^'^"'■ 
ing for liberty to fettle there, which was 
granted them. They began the fettlement ^X%^? 
by laying out a townfliip in one hundred and s, lesa. 
forty-feven fliares ; and having formed a 
church, chofe Stephen Batchelor for their 
minifler, with whom Tinaothy Dalton was 
foon after aflbciated. The number of th^ 
firll inhabitants was fifty-fix*. 

The authority of Maffachufetts having ef- 
tablilhed this fettlement, they, from the be- 
ginning, confidered it as belonging to their 
colony. Though the agent of Mafon's eftate ms Ttt^a- 
made fome objedlion to their proceeding, yet 1'^°"^"^^^ 
no legal method being taken to controvert files, 
this extenfion of their claim, the way was pre- 
pared for one If ill greater, which many cir- 
cumflances concurred to eftablifh. 

After the death of Captain Mafon, his wid- ^^^^ ^^^^ 
ow and executrix fent over Francis Norton son's Let- 
as her " general attorney ;" to whom fhe Ms'nepo- 
committed the whole management of the ef- sup."court 

fiks. 
* Some of their names are mentioned in the Court Records, viz> 
Stephen Batchelor, Thomas Molten, 

Christoplier Hussey, William Estow, 

Mary Hussey, widow, William Palmer, 

Thomas Cromwell, William Sergeantj, 

Samuel Skullard, Ric'iard Swaync, 

John Os j^ood, William Sander^ 

Samuel Greenfield. Robert IMcke, 

John Molton. John Cross. 



ss 



HISTORY OF 



1638. tate. But the expence fo far exceeded the in- 
come, and the fervants grew fo impatient for 
their arrears, that Ihe was obliged to relin- 
quiih the care of the plantation, and tell the 
fervants tliat they nfull Ihift for themfelves. 
Upon which they ftiared the goods and cattle, 
Norton drove above an hundred oxen to Bof- 
ton, and there fold them for twenty-five 
pounds fterling per head, which it is faid was 
the current price of the bell cattle in New- 
England at that time. Thefe were of a large 
breed, imported from Denmark, from whence 
Mafon had alfo procured a number of men 
ikilied in fawing planks and making potafh- 
es. Having Ihared the ftock and other ma- 
terials, fome of the people quitted the plan- 
tation ; others of them tarried, keeping pof- 
feifion of the buildings and improvements, 
which they claimed as their own ; the houf- 
-es at Newichwannock were burned j and thu§ 
Mafon's eftate was ruined. Thefe events hapr 
p^ned between 1638 and 1644. 

Among the Antinomians who were banifli- 
TSttbTxivd's ed from Boilon, and took refuge in thefe 
MS Hist. pi^^j^tjj^-iQjis, was Captain John Underhill, in 
whofe flory will appear fome very flrong 
charadleriflics of the fpirit of theie times. 
He had been a foldier in the Netherlands, 
and was brought over to New-England by 
Governor Winthrop, to train the people in 
military difcipline. He ferved the country 
in the Pequod war, and was in fuch reputa- 
tion in the town of Bofton, that they had 
chofen him one of their deputies. Deeply 
tindured with Antinomian principles, and 
poflefTed of an high degree of enthufiafm, he 
made a capital figure in the controverfy ; be- 



Prince*s 
Annals, 

MS. 



NEW-HAMPSHIR^r 39 

ing one of the fubfcribers to a petition in 1638<, 
which the court was cenfnred, with an inde- 
cent feverity, for their proceedings againfl 
Whelewright. For this offence he was dif- 



franchifed. He then made a voyage to Eng- 
land ; and upon his return petitioned the 1637, 
court for three hundred acres of land which 
had been promifed him for his former fer- 
vices, intending to remove after WhelewrighL 
In his petition he acknowledged his offence 
in condemning the court, and declared " that 
" the Lord had brought him to a fenfe of 
" his fin in that refpedl, fo that he had been 
" in great trouble on account thereof." On 
this occafion the court thought proper to 
queflion him concerning an offenfive expref- 
fion, v/hich he had uttered on board the fhip 
in which he came from England, *' that the 
" government at Boflon were as zealous as 
" the fcribes and Pharifees, and as Paul before 
" his converfion." He denied the charge, and 
it was proved to his face by a woman who 
was pafFenger with him, and v/homhe had en- 
deavoured to feduce to his opinions. He was 
aifo queftioned for what he had faid to her 
concerning the manner of his receiving af~ 
furance, which was " that having long lain 
"ur^dcr a fpirit of bondage, he could get no 
*' affurance ; till at length as he was taking a 
" pipe of tobacco, the fpirit fet home upon 
" him an ablolute promife of free grace, with 
" fuch affurance and joy that he had never 
" fince doubted of his good eflate, neither 
" fhould he, whatever fins he might fall in- 
" to." This he would neither own nor de- 
ny ; but objedled to the fufficiency of a fin- 
gle teflimony. The court committed him 



Nov. 15tl^ 



40 HISTORY OF 

1638* for abufing them with a pretended retraclion, 
and the next day pafled the lentence of ban- 
ifliment upon him. Being allowed the liber- 
ty of attending public worlhip, his enthuii- 
aftic zeal brake out in a fpeech in which he en- 
deavoured to prove " that as the Lord was 
" pleafed to convert Saul while he was per- 
" fecuting, fo he might manifeil himfelf to 
" him while making a moderate ufe of the 
" good creature tobacco ; profeffmg withal 
" that he knew not wherein he had deferv- 
" ed the cenfure of the court." The elders' 
reproved him for this iriconfiderate fpeech ; 
and Mr. Cotton told him, " that though God 
" often laid a man under a fpirit of bondage 
" while walking in lin, as was the cafe with 
" Paul, yet he never fent a fpirit of comfort 
" but in an ordina^^ce, as he did to Paul by 
" the miniftry of Ananias ; and therefore 
" exhorted him to examine carefully the rev- 
" elation and joy to which he pretended.'* 
The fame week he was privately dealt with 
on fufpicion of adultery, which he difre^- 
garded ; and therefore on the next fabbath 
was quelHoned for it before the church ; but 
the evidence not being fufEcient to convidl 
him, the church could only admoniili him. 
Thefe proceedings, civil and ecclefiaftical, 
being finifhed, he removed out of their jurif- 
didlion ; and after a while came to Dover, 
where he procured the place of governor in 
the rooin of Burdet. Governor Winthrop 
hearing of this, wrote to Hilton and others 
of this plantation, informing them of his 
chara6ler. Underbill intercepted the letter, 
and returned a bitter anfwer to Mr. Cotton ; 
and wrote another letter full of reproaches 



i^EW-HAMPSHlREt 41 

^gainfl the governor to a gentleman of his 1639« 
family, while he addrefTed the governor him- 
felf in a fawning, obfequious ftrain, begging 
an obliteration of former mifcarriages, and 
a bearing with human infirmities. Thefe 
letters were all fent back to Hilton ; but too 
late to prevent his advancement. 

Being fettled in his governitient, he pro- 
cured a church to be gathered at Dover who 
chofe Hanferd Knollys for their minifter. 
He had come over from England the year 
before ; but being an Anabaptiil of the An* 
tinomian caft, was not well received in Maf- 
fachufetts, and came here while Burdet was 
in office, who forbad his preaching ; but Un- 
derhill, agreeing better with him, prevailed 
to have him chofen their minifter. To in- 
gratiate himfelf with his new patron, Knollys 
wrote in his favour to the church in Bofton ; 
ftyling him " The right worfhipful their 
honoured governor." Notwithftanding which 
they cited him again to appear before them ; 
the court granting him fafe condudl. At the 
fame time complaint was made to the chief 
inhabitants on the river, of the breach of 
friendfhip in advancing Underbill after hi& 
rejection ; and a copy of Knollys's letter was 
returned, wherein he had written that " Un- 
" derhill was an instrument of God for their 
" ruin," and it was enquired whether that 
letter was written by the defire or confent of 
the people. The principal perfons of Portf- 
mouth and Dover difclaimed his mifcarriag- 
es, and exprelFed their readinefs to call him 
to account when a proper information fliould 
be prefented ; but begged that no force 
might be fent againft him. By his inftiga- 



4^ HISTORY OF 

1639. tion Knollys had alfo written to his fiiends 
in England, a calumnions letter againfl the 
Maflachufetts planters, reprefenting them as 
more arbitrary than the high-commiffion 
court, and that there was no real religion in 
the country. A copy of this letter being 
fent from England to Governor Winthrop, 
Knollys was fo afhamed at the difcovery, 
that obtaining a licence, he went to Bofton ; 
and at the public le(5lure before the gover- 
nor, magiftrates, minifcers and the congrega- 
tion, made confeiTion of his fault, and wrote 
a retradlion to his friends in England, which 
he left with the governor to be fent to themv 

Underbill was fo affecled with his friend's 
humiliation, and the difaffedlion of the peo- 
ple of Pafcataqua to him., that he refolved to 
retrieve his character in the fame way. 
Having obtained fafe conduct, he went to 
Bofton, and in the lame public manner ac- 
knowledged his adultery, his difrefpedl to 
the government and the juftice of their pro- 
ceedings againft him : But his confefTion 
was mixed with fo many excufes and exten- 
uations that it gave no Satisfaction ; and the 
evidence of his fcandalous deportment being 
now undeniable, the church pafTed the fen- 
tence of excommunication, to which he feem- 
ed to fubmit, and appeared much dejected 
while he remained there. 

Upon his return, to pleafe fome difafFe(5l- 
ed perfons at the mouth of the river, he fent 
thirteen armed men to Exeter to refcuo 
out of the officer's hand one Fifli, who had 
been taken into cuftody for fpeaking againil 
the king. The people of Dover forbad his 
coming into their court till they had confid- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 43 

ered his crimes and he promifed to refign 1639. 
his place if they fhould difapprove of his 
eondu6l ; but hearing that they were deter- 
mined to remove him, he ruflied^ito court 
in a pallion, took his feat, ordered one of the 
magiilrates to prifon, for faying that he 
would not {it with an adulterer, and refufed 
to receive his difmiHion, when they voted it. 
But they proceeded to chufe another gover- 
nor, Roberts, and fent back the prifoner to 
Exeter. 

A new fcene of difficulty now arofe. 1640.. 
Thomas Larkham, a native of Lyme in Dor- 
fetihire and formerly a minifter at Northam 
near Barnllable, who had come over to New- 
En^and, and not favouring the doclrine, nor 
willing to fubmit to the difcipline of the 
churches in MaiHichufetts, came to Dover ; 
and being a preacher of good talents, eclip- 
fed Knollys, and raifed a party who deter- 
mined to remove him. He therefore gave 
way to popular prejudice, and fufFered Lark- 
ham to take his place ; who foon difcovered 
his licentious principles by receiving into 
the church perfons of immoral charadlers, 
and alTuming, like Burdet, the civil as well 
as eccleiiaftical authority. The better fort 
of the people were difpleafed and reflored 
Knollys to his office who excommunicated 
Larkham. Ttiis bred a riot in which Lark- 
ham laid hands on Knollys, taking away his 
hat on pretence that he had not paid for it 5 
but he was civil enough afterward to return - 
it. Some of the magiflrates joined with 
Larkham, and forming a court, fummoned 
Underhill, who v/as of Knollys's party to 
appear before tjhem, and anfwer to a ne\Y 



4i HISTORY OF 

1640. crime which they had to alledge againfl hirrv 
Underhill colle<5led his adherents ; Knollys 
was armed with a piftol, and another had a 
bible mounted on an halbert for an enfign. 
In this ridiculous parade they marched a- 
gainft Larkham and his party, who prudent- 
ly declined a combat, and fent down the riv- 
er to Williams the governor, at Portfmouth, 
for afliftance. ' He came up in a boat with 
an armed party, befet Knollys's houfe where 
Underhill was, guarded it night and day till 
a court was fummoned, and then, Williams 
fitting as judge, Underhill and his company 
were found guilty of a riot, and after being 
fined, were banifhed the plantation. The 
new crime which Larkham's party alledged 
againfl Underhill was that he Ixad been fe- 
cretly endeavouring to perfuade the inhabir 
tants to offer themfelves to the government 
of MafTachufetts, whofe favor he was defi- 
rous to purchafe, by thefe means, as he knew 
that their viev/ was to extend their jurifdic- 
tion as far as they imagined their limits 
reached, whenever they fliould find a favour- 
able opportunity. The fame policy led him 
with his party to fend a petition to Bofton, 
praying for the interpofition of the govern- 
ment in their cafe : In confequence of which 
the governor and afliflants commiflioned 
Simon Bradftreet, Esq. with the famous Hugh 
Peters, then minifter of Salem, and Timothy 
Dalton of Hampton, to enquire into the mat- 
ter, and efFe(5l a reconciliation, or certify the 
flate of things to them. Thefe gentlemen 
travelled on foot to Dover, and finding both 
fides in fault, brought the matter to this iffue, 
hat the one party revoked the excpmnmni- 



NEW-I1AM?SH'IRE. 45 

cation, and the other the fines and banifh- 1640^ 
ment. 

In the heat of thefe difputes, a difcovery 
was made of Knollys's failure in point of 
chaftity. He acknowledged his crime be- 
fore the church ; but they difmiiTed him and 
he returned to England, where he fufFered by 
the feverity of the long parliament in 1644 ; ^^,1^!^ 
and being forbidden to preach in the church- 4tojoi. ii. 
es, opened a feparate meeting in G^eat St. 
Helen's, from which he was foon diflodged, 
and his followers difperfed. He alfo fuffer- ^^^^^^^^jf]; 
ed in the caufe of non-conformity in the vol, i. page 



210. 



reign of King Charles the fecond, and at 
length (as it is faid) died " a good man in a ^f"^^^ 
good old " age." (September 19, 1691, ^t. iib.3.p.;v 
ninety-three.) 

Underbill having finifhed his career in 
thefe parts obtained leave to return to Bof- 
ton, and finding honefty to be the beft poli- 
cy, did in a large alTembly, at the public lee- ♦ 
ture, and during the fitting of the court, 
make a full confeffion of his adultery and hy- 
pocrify, his pride and contempt of authority, 
juftifying the church and court in all that 
they had done againft him, declaring that 
his pretended aflurance had failed him, and 
that the terror of his mind had at fome times 
been fo great, that he had drawn his fword 
to put an end to his life. The church being 
now fatisfied, refhored him to their commu- . ^ 
nion. The court, after waiting fix months AnS 
for evidence of his good behaviour, took off 
his fentence of banifhment, and releafed him 
from the punifiiment of his adultery : The 
law which made it capital having been enact- 
ed after the crime was committed, could not 



46 HISTORY OF 

1640. touch his life. Some offers being made hiiij. 
Hubbard's i^y ^i^Q Dutch at Hudfon's river, whofe lan-^ 

MS Hist. J ^.1. ,. ,, 1 r 

guage was lamiiiar to nim, the cnurcn ox 
Bofton hired a velfel to tranfport him and 
his family thither, furniihing them with all 
neceifaries for the voyage. The Dutch gover- 
norgave him the command of a company of an 
himdred and twenty men, and he was very fer- 
viceable in the wars which that colony had 
with the Indians, having, it is faid, killed one 
hundred and fifty on Long-Ifland, and three 
hundred on the Main. He continued in 
their fervice till his death. 

We find in this relation a ftriking inflance 
of that fpecies of falle religion, which, hav- 
ing its feat in the imagination, inftead of 
making the heart better and reforming the 
iife, inflames the pafTions, flupifies reafon, 
and produces tlie wildell effecfls in the behav- 
iour. The excelTes of enthufiafm have often 
been obferved to lead to fenfual gratifica- 
tions ; the fame natural fervour being fuffi- 
cient to produce both. It cannot be ilrange 
that they who decry morality, iliould indulge 
fuch grofs and fcandalous enormities as are 
fufhcient to invalidate all thofe evidences of 
their religious chara6ler on which they lay 
fo much flrefs. But it is not fo fiirprizing 
that men Ihould be thus milled, as that fuch 
frantic zealotvS fliould ever be reduced to an 
acknowledgment of their ofl^ences ; which in 
this inflance may be afcribed to the llricft 
difcipline then pradifed in the churches of 
New-England. 

The people of Dover and Portfmouth dur- 
ing all this time had no power of govern- 
in(;}nt delegated from the crown : but fiiid-^ 



KE-V^'-HAMPSHIRE. 47 

ing the necelTity of fome more determinate 1640. 
form than they had yet enjoyed, combhied 
themfelves each into a body politic after the 
example of their neighbours at Exeter. The in- 
habitants of Dover, by a written inftrument, 
figned by 41 perfons agreed to fubmit to the 
laws of England, and fuch others as should be 
enad:edby amajority of their number,until the H«bbard' 
royal pleafure fhould be known. The date of ms Hist. 
the combination at Portfmouth is uncertain, 
their firft book of records having been de- 
flroyed [in 1652,] after copying out what^""^^'^^ 
they then thought proper to preferve. Wil- 
liams, who had been fent over by the ad- 
venturers, was by annual fufFrage continued 
governor of the place, and with him were af- 
ibciated Ambroie Gibbons and Thomas War- 
nerton* in quality of afliftants. During this 
combination, a grant of fifty acres of land 
for a glebe was made by the governor and May 25. 
inhabitants f to Thomas Walford and Henry 
Sherburne, church-wardens, and their fuc- 
ceilors forever, as feofees in truft ; by vir- Ports. Reg, 
tue of which grant the fame land is ftill held, 
and being let on long Icafes, a confider- 
able part of the town of Portfmouth is built 

* Warnerton In;? been a soldier. Upon t'le division of Mason's stocianc! 
goods he cariird liis share to Penobscot, or some part of Nova-Scotia, wher*:. 
lie was kilk 1 in a fray with -the French inhabitants. 1644. (Hubbaid". 

+ This grant is subscribed by 

Francis Willlp.nis, Gk)vernor, Henry Takr, 

Ambrose Gibbons, Assistant, John Jones, 

"William Jones, William Berry, 

Renald FeviialJ, John Plckerin, 

John Crowtlicr, John Billing, 

Anthony Bracket, John Wotten, 

Micluel Cliattertpn, Nicholas Row, 

John Wall, Matthew Coe, 

Robert Pudiotrton, William Palmer. 
Henry o'jerburne^ (Portim. Rcc } 

John Landen, 



4|8 HISTORY OF 

1640. upon it. At this time they had a parfonagie 
houfe and chapel, and had chofen Richard 
Gibfon for their parfon, the patronage being 
veiled in the parilhoners. Gibfon was fent 
from England as minifler to a filhing plan- 
tation belonging to one Trelawney. He was 

throp's '"" " wholly addidled to the hierarchy and dif- 

Journal, u cipUne of England, and exercifed his min- 
" ifterial fundlion" according to the ritual. 
He was fummoned before the court at Bof- 
ton for " fcandalizing the government there^ 
*' and denying their title ;'* but upon his fub- 
million, they difcharged him without fine or 
punilliment, being a ftranger and about to 
depart the country. After his departure the 

patts.Rec. people of PortfiTLoutli had James Parker* for 
their minifter, who was a fcholar and had 
been a deputy in the MafTachufetts court. 
After him they had one Browne ; and f 
Samuel Dudley a fon of Deputy Governor 
Dudley ; but thefe were only temporary 
preachers, and they did not obtain the regu- 
lar fettlement of a minifler for many years. 

Four diflin6l governments (including one 
at Kittery on the north fide of the river) 
were now formed on the feveral branches of 

M*' To'-irn * Governor Wintlirop give? tli's account of l.im and liis ministry. (1642- 

" 10 mo :) ' Those of tlie lower part of Pascataqiia invited Mr. James Par- 
" ker of Weymovilb, a p;odly jran. to be their minister. He by advising^ v\ith 
" divers of the mao;istrntes #nd elders accepted the call and went and taught 
" among them, this winter, and it ple.iscd God to give great success to liis 
" labours so as above forty 'f them, whereof the most had been very pro- 
" fane and some of them professed enemies to the way of our churches, 
*' wrote to, the magistrates and f Iders, acknowledging the sinful course they 
"had lived in, and bewai'in? the eame, and blessing God for calling them out 
" of it and tarncstly desiring that Mr. Parker might be settled amongst 
" them. Most of them fell back again in time, embracing this present 
" world." He afterward removed to Parbadoes arid there settled, (vid 
Hutchinson's collection of papers, p. 155 &: 222.) Hutchinson supposes him 
to have been minister of Newbur)', mistaking him for Thomas Parker. 

+ Dudley settled at Exeter in 1650, and died there in 1683, aged 77 
" He was a person of good capacity and learning." (Filclve MS) 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 4Q» 

Parcataqtia. Thefe combinations being only 1640o 
voluntary agreements, liable to be broken 
or fubdivided on the iirft popular difcontent, 
there could be no fafetv in the continuance 
of them. The diitraclions in England at 
this time had cut oiF all hope of the royal 
attention, and the people of the feveral fet- 
tlements were too much divided in their 
opinions to form any general plan of govern- 
ment which could afford a profpedl of per- 
manent utility.' l^xC more confiderate per- 
fons among them, therefore thought it befl 
to treat with Mafiachufetts about taking 
them under their prote<flion. That govern- 
ment was glad of an opportunity to realize 
the conflru<fl:ion which they had put upon 
the claufe of their charter wherein their nor- 
thern limits are defined. For a line drawn 
from eafl to weil at the diftance of " three 
" miles to the northward of Merrimack riv- 
" er and of any and every part thereof," will 
take in the whole province of New-Hamp- 
fiilre, and the greater part of the province 
of Maine, fo that both Mafon's and Gorges's Massa.Reer 
patents muil have been vacated. They had 
already intimated their intention to run this 
eafl and weft line, and prefuming on the juf- 
tice of their claim, they readily entered into 
a negociation v^ith the principal fettlers of 
Pafcataqua refpedling their incorporation 
with them. The afJ'air was more than a year lo41« 
in agitation, and was at length concluded by ^^' 
an inftrurnent fubf bribed in the prefence of 
the general court by George Willys, Robert 
Saltonflall, William Whiting, Edward Holi- 
ock, and Thomas Pvlakepeace, in belialf of 

themfelves and the other partners of the two 
G 



October 8. 



50 HISTORY OF 

164L patents ; by which inilrument they refigned 
the jurifdidlioii of the whole to Maflachu- 
fettSj on condition that the inhabitants fhould 
enjoy the fame liberties with their own peo- 
ple, and have a court of juftice erecfled a- 
mong them. The property of the whole patent 
of Portfmouth, and of one third part of that 
of Dover, and of all the improved lands 
therein, was referved to the lords and gen- 
tlemen proprietors, and their heirs forever. 

The court on their part confented that the 
inhabitants of thefe towns fhould enjoy the 
fame privileges with the reft of the colony, 
and have the fame adminiftration of juftice 
as in the courts of Salem and Ipfv/ich ; that 
they ftiould be exempted from all public 
charges, except what fliould arife among 
themfelves, or for their own peculiar bene- 
fit ; that they fhould enjoy their former liber- 
ties of fifhing, planting and felling timber ; 
that they fliould fend two deputies to the 
general court ; and that the fame perfons 
who were authorifed by their combinations 
to govern them, fliould continue in office til! 
the commiilioners named in this order fhould 
arrive at Pafcataqua. Thefe commifTioners 
were inveft.ed with the power of the quarter 
courts of Salem and Ipfwich, and at their ar- 
rival they conftituted Francis Williams, Tho- 
mas Warnerton & Ambrofe Gibbons of Portf- 
mouth, Edward Hilton, Thomas Wiggen 
and William Waldron of Dover, magiftrates, 
who were confirmed by the general court. 
164^. By a fubiequent order a very extraordina- 
Sept. 8. ry concefTion was made to thefe towns, which 
Ihews the fondnefs that government had of 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 51 

retaining tliem under their jurifdiclion. A 1642. 
tefl had been eftabiilhed by law, but it was 
difpenfed with in their favor ; their freemen 
were allowed to vote in town affairs, and 
their deputies to iit in the general court 
though they were not church-members. 

The people of Dover being left deftitute 
of a minitter by the fudden departure of 
Lai'kham, who took this method to avoid tlie Hubbard's 
Ihame which would have attended the dii^ ms, 
covery of a crime fimilar to that for which 
Knollys had been difmiffed, v/rote to the 
MaiTachuftts tor help. The court took care 
to fend them Daniel Maud who had been a 
miniiler in England. He was an honed man, Math.Ma^, 
and of a quiet and peaceable difpofition, 
qualities much wanting in all his predecef- 
fors. Larkham returned to England, where 
he continued to exercife his miniftry till e- 
jecled by the acl of uniformity in 1662, 
from Taviflock in Devon. He is faid to c^^'a'ny'*. 
have been " well known there for a man ejectedmin- 
" of great piety and iincerity," and died in ^t^' ^ 
1669, M, 68. 

The inhabitants of Exeter had hitherto 
continued their combination ; but finding 
themfelves comprehended within the claim 
of MaiTachufetts, and being weary of their 
inefficacious mode of government they peti- 
tioned the court, and were readily admitted sept 
under their jurifdicftion. William Wenborne, 
Robert Smith, and Thomas Wardhall were m; 
appointed their magiftrates ; and they were 
annexed to the county of EfTex. Upon this, 
Whelewright who was fliil under fentence 
of baniihment, v/ith thofe of his church who 
were refoivcd to adhere to him, removed in- 



d2 history of 



1642. to the province of Maine, and fettled at 
Wells, where his poflerity yet remain. He 

Hubbard's ^as foon after reftored, upon a flight acknow- 
ledgment, to the freedom of the colony, and 
removed to Hampton ; of which church he 
was minifter for many years ; until he went 
to England where he was in favor with 
Cromwell : But, after the relloration, he re- 
turned and fettled at Salilhury, where he di- 
ed in 1680. 

After his departure from Exeter, an at- 

lO'l'l. tempt was made by the remaining inhabi- 
tants to form themfelves into a church, and 
call the aged Stephen Batchelor to the min- 
illry, who had been difmiffed from Hamp- 
ton for his irregular conduct. But the gen- 

Massa.Rec. gj,^j court here interpofed and fent them a 

May 29. folemn prohibition, importing " that their 
" divifions were fuch that they could not 
" comfortably, and with approbation, pro- 
" ceed in fo weighty and facred affairs," and 
therefore directing them " to defer gather- 
" ing a church, or any other fuch proceed- 
" ing, till they or the court at Ipfwich, upon 
" further fatisfa(ftion of their reconciliation 
" and fitnefs, fhould give allowance there- 
" for." 

Such a flretch ot power, which would now 
be looked upon as an infringement of chrif- 
tian liberty, was agreeable to the principles 
of the firft fathers of New-England, who 
thought that civil government was eftablifli- 
ed for the defence and fecurity of the church 
againft error both dodlrinal and moral. In 
this fentiment they were not lingular, it be- 
ing univerfally adopted by the reformers, in 
that and the preceding age, as one of the 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE* 53 

fundamental principles of their feparatlon 1644* 
from the Romifh church, and neceflary to 
curtail the claims of her Pontiff, who afTum- 
ed a fupremacy over " the kings of the 
« earth." 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 



CHAP. III. 



QhHcrvations on the firinciples attd conduct of the Jimt plavatrt 
of J^eiv-Englajid, — Causes of tlirir removal.-— -Their forti- 
tude. — Religions sentiments. — Care of their posteritij. — Juh- 
tice. — Laws, — Theocratic prejudices^ — Intolerance arid per' 
secutions. 

An union having been formed between 
the fettlements on Pafcataqua and the colo- 
ny of MalTachufetts, their hiftory for the fuc- 
ceeding forty years is in a great meafiire the 
fame. It is not my intention to write the 
tranfadlions of the whole colony during that 
period ; but, as many of the people in New- 
Hampfhirehad the fame principles, views and 
interefts with the other people of New-Eng- 
land, I fliall make fome obfervations thereon, 
and interfperfe fuch hiflorical fa6ls as may 
illuilrate the fubjed;. 

In the preceding century the holy fcrip- 
tures, which had long lain hid in the rubbilh 
of monaftic libraries, were brought to public 
view by the happy invention of printing ; 
and as darknefs vaniflies before the riling 
fun, fo the light of divine truth began to dif« 
fipate thofe errors and fuperftitions in which 
Europe had long been involved. At the fame 
time a remarkable concurrence of circum- 
ftauces gave peculiar advantage to the bold 
attempt of Luther, to roufe Germany from 
her inglorious fubjedlion to the Roman Pon- 
tiff, and effedluate a reformation, which foon 
fpread into the neighbouring countries. But 
£o intimately were the political interefts of 
kingdoms and dates blended v^'ith religious 



HISTORY OF SS 

prejudices,, that the work, though happily 
begun, was greatly blemifhed and impeded. 

Henry the Vlllth of England took advan- 
tage of this amazing revolution in the minds 
of m.en, to throw off the papal yoke, and af- 
jfert his native claim to independence. But 
fo dazzling was the idea of power, and the 
example of the firil chriftian princes, who 
had exercifed a fuperintendency in fpirituals, 
as well as temporals, that he transferred to 
Iiimfeif that fpiritual power which had been 
ufurped and exercifed by the biiliops of 
Rome, and fat up himfelf as fupreme head 
on earth of the church of England ; com- 
manding both clergy and laity in his do- 
minions to fwear allegiance to him in this 
newly ailum.ed characler. 

This claim vras kept up by his fon and 
fucceHor Edward the Sixth, in whofe reign 
the reformation gained much ground ; and 
a fervice-book was publiflied by royal au- 
thority as the flandard of worfhip and difci- 
pline for his fubjects. This excellent prince 
was taken out of tlie world in his youth ; 
and his lifter Mary, who then came to the 
throne, reilored the fupremacy to the pope, 
and raifed iiich fiery perfecution againft the 
reformers, that many of them fled into Ger- 
many and the Netherlands ; where they de- 
parted from that uniformity which had been 
eftablifhed in England, and became divided 
in their fentiments and practice refpecfling 
eccleiiafliical affairs : the native effeA of that 
juft liberty of confcience which they enjoy- 
ed abroad, parfuing their own enquiries ac- 
cording to their refpedive meafures of light ; 
uninfluenced by secular power, or the hope 



56 HISTORY OP 

of acquiring dignities in a national eflablifh- 
ment. 

The acceflion of Elizabeth infpired them 
with new hopes ; and they returned home, 
refolving to attempt the reformation of the 
church of England, agreeably to the refpec- 
tive opinions which they had embraced in 
their exile. But they foon found that the 
queen, who had been educated in the fame 
manner with her brother Edward, was fond 
of the eftabliihment made in his reign, and 
was ftrongly prejudiced in favor of pomp and 
ceremony in religious worfliip. She afferted 
her fupremacy in the mofl abfolute terms, 
and eredled an high-commiifion court with 
jurifdicftion in ecclefiaftical affiirs. Unifor- 
mity being rigoroufly enjoined and no abate- 
ment or allowance made for tender confci- 
ences (though it was conceded that the cere- 
monies were indifferent) a fcparation from 
the eftablifhment took place. Thofe who 
were defirous of a farther reformation from 
the Romilli fuperftitions, and of a more pure 
and perfe6lform of religion were denominated 
Puritans ; whofe principles, as diftinguiflied 
from thofe of the other reformers who were 
in favor with the queen, are thus repre- 
fented. 

" The queen and court-reformers held, 1. 
, That every prince had the Ible authority to 
Puritans, corrccl all abufes of do(ftrine and worlhip 
95, gs/ic. within his own territories. 2. That the 
church of PvOme was a true church though 
corrupt in fome pohits of dod:rine and gov- 
ernment ; that all her miniftrations were 
valid, and that the pope was a true Bifnop of 
Rome though not of the miiverfal church. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 57 

3. That the fcriptures were a perfe6l rule of 
faith, but not a ftandard of difcipline j and 
that it was left to the difcretion of the chris- 
tian magiftrate, to accommodate the govern- 
ment of the church to the policy of the ftate. 

4. That the pradlice of the primitive church 
for the firft four or five centuries was a pro- 
per ftandard of church government and dif- 
cipline ; and in fome refpecls better than that 
of the Apoftles, which was only accommo- 
dated to the infant ftate of the church, while 
it was under perfecution ; whereas the oth- 
er was fuited to the grandeur of a national 
eftablifliment. 5. That things indifferent 
in their own nature as rites, ceremonies, and 
habits, might be fettled, determined and made 
neceftary by the command of the civil magi- 
ftrate, and that in fuch cafes it was the duty 
of the fubjedl to obferve them.'* 

" On the other hand, the Puritans, 1. Dif^ 
owned all foreign jurifdidlion over the 
church, but could not admit of that exten- 
live power which the crown claimed by the 
fupremacy. However, they took the oath, 
with the queen's explication, as only reftor- ^ 
ing her majefty to the ancient and natural 
rights of fovereign princes over their fub- 
je6ls. 2. They held the pope to be anti- 
chrift, the church of Rome a falfe church, 
and all her miniftrations fuperftitious and 
idolatrous. 3. That the fcriptures were a 
ftandard of difcipline as well as do(51:rine, 
and if there was need of a difcretionary 
power, it was veftednot in the magiftrate but 
in the officers of the church. 4. That the 
form of government ordained by the Apof- 
tles was ariftocratical, and dciigned as a pat- 
Ji 



58 HISTORY OF 

tern to the church in after ages, not to be 
departed from in its main principles. 5. That 
thofe things which Chrift hath left indiffer- 
ent ought not to be made neceifiry ; and 
that fuch rites and ceremonies as had been 
abufed to idolatry and fuperftition, and had 
a manifeft tendency to lead men back there- 
to, were no longer indifferent but unlawful.'* 

" Both parties agreed too well in afferting 
the neceifity of uniformity in public wor- 
Ihip, and of ufing the fword of the magif- 
trate for the fupport and defence of their rel^ 
pedlive principles ; which they made an ill 
life of in their turns, whenever they could 
grafp it in their hands. The flandard of u- 
niformity according to the bifhops, was the 
queen's Supremacy and the la.ws of the land ; 
according to the Puritans, the decrees of na- 
tional and provincial fynods, allowed and en- 
forced by the civil magiflrate. Neither par- 
ty were for admitting that liberty of con- 
fcience and freedom of profeffion which is 
every man's right, fo far as is confiilent with 
the peace of civil government. Upon this 
fatal rock of uniformity^ was the peace of the 
church of England fplit." 

It is melancholy to obferve what mifchiefs 
were caufed by the want of a juft cliflinc- 
tion between civil and ecclefiaflical powei*, 
and by that abfurd zeal for uniformity, 
which kept the nation in a long ferment, and at 
length buril: out into a blaze, the fury of which 
was never thoroughly quelled till the happy 
genius of the revolution gave birth to a free 
and equitable toleration^ whereby every inan 
was reftored to the natural right of judging 
and acting for himfelf in matters of religion. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 59 

All the celebrated wifdom of Elizabeth's gov- 
ernment could not devife an expedient fo 
fuccefsful. Though her reign was long and 
profperous, yet it was much ftained with op- 
prefTion and cruelty toward many of her beft 
fubjedls ; who, wearied with inefFedual ap- 
plications, waited the acceffion of James, 
from whom they expeded more favour, be- 
caufe he had been educated in the prefbyte- 
rian church of Scotland, and profeiTed an 
high veneration for that eftablifliment. But 
they foon found that he had changed his re- 
ligious principles wi|h his climate, and that 
nothing was to be dxpedied from a prince of 
fo bafe a chara6ler, but infult and contempt. 
In the beginning of his reign a great num- 
ber of the Puritants removed into Holland, 
where they formed churches upon their own 
principles. But not relifhing the manners 
of the Dutch, after twelve years they pro- 
je6led a removal to America, and laid the 
foundation of the colony of Plymouth. The 
fplrit of uniformity ftill prevailing in Eng- 
land, and being carried to thegreatefl extent 
iu the reign of Charles the Firil by that fu- 
rious bigof Archbifhop Laud ; many of the 
lefs fcrupulous, but confcientious members of 
the church of England, who had hitherto re- 
mained in her communion, feeing no profpedl 
of reft or liberty in their native country, fol- 
lowed their brethren to America, and eftab- 
liihed the colony of Maffachufetts, fronx 
which proceeded that of Connedlicut. 

By fuch men, influenced by fuch motives, 
were the principal fettlements in New-Eng^ 
land efFecled. The fortitude and perfever- 
ance which they exhibited therein will al- 



60 HISTORY or 

ways render their memory dear to their pos- 
terity. To prepare for their enterprize, they 
' had to fell their eftates, fome of which were 
large and valuable, and turn them into ma- 
terials for a new plantation, with the nature 
of which they had no acquaintance, and 
of which they could derive no knowledge 
from the experience of others. After trav- 
erfing a wide ocean they found themfelves 
in a country full of woods, to fubdue which 
required immenfe labour and patience ; at a 
vail diftance from any civilized people ; in 
the neighbourhood of i^ne but ignorant and 
barbarous favages ; ana in a climate, where 
a winter much more fevere than they had 
been accuflomed to, reigns for a third part 
of the year. Their llock of provilions fal- 
ling lliort, they had the dreadful apprehen- 
fion of periiliing by famine, one half of their 
number dying before the firll year was com- 
pleted ; the ocean on one lide feparatcd them 
from their friends, and the wildernefs on 
the other, prefented nothing but fceiies of 
horror, which it was impoffible for them to 
conceive of before they endured them. 

But under all thefe difEculties, they main- 
tained a ilieady and pious refolution ; depend- 
ing on the providence of the fuprenie ruler, 
and never repenting the bufinefs on which 
which they had come into this wildernefs. 
As purity in divine adminiftrations was the 
profefTcd objedl of their undertaking, fo they 
immediately let themfelves to form church- 
es, on what they judged the gofpel plan. 
To be out of the reach of prelatic tyranny, 
and at full liberty to purfue their own en- 
quiries, and woril-'.p God according to their 



new-hampshirjEk el 

confciences, (which had been denied them in 
their own country) was efteemed the great- 
efl of bleffings, and fweetened every bitter 
cup which they were obliged to drink. They 
always profelTed that their principal defign 
was to eredl churches on the primitive mod- 
el, and that the conlideration of temporal in- 
tereft and conveniency had but the fecond 
place in their views.* 

In the dodlrinal points of religion they 
were of the fime mind with their brethren 
of the church of England, as exprefTed in HutcHiu 
their articles. The MafTachufetts planters i.p.487. 
left behind them, when they failed, a ref- 
pedlful declaration importing that they did 
not conlider the church of England as anti- 
chriftian, but only withdrew from the impo- 
fition of unfcriptural terms of communion. 
Some of the Plymouth planters had embrac- 
ed the narrow principles of the Brownifts, 
the firfl who feparated from the church of 
England ; but by the improvements which 
they made in religious knowledge under the 
inilrudlion of the renowned John Robinfon, 
their pallor in Holland, they were in a great 
meafure cured of that four leaven. The 
congregational fyftem of church government 
was the refult of the ftudies of that truly pi- 
ous, learned, humble and benevolent divine, 
who feems to have had more of the genuine 
fpirit of the reformation, and of freedom. 

* " It concernetli New-England always to remember, that they are orig- 
" iiially a plantation religious, not a plantation of trade. The profession of 
" the purity of doctrine, worship and discipline is written upon her forehead. 
" Let merchants, and such as are increasing cent per cent remember this, 
" that worldly gain was not the end and design of the people of New-Eng- 
•' land but religion. And if any nian among us make religion as twelve, and 
" the world as thirteen, such an one hath not the spirit of a true New- 
V Etio-la:i'.l man ' Ilig-ginson's Election 6evmo;j;. 166?. 



62 HISTORY OF 

from bigotry, than any others in his day. 
His farewell charge to thofe of his flock who 
were embarking in Holland for America de- 

Neai'sHist. fervcs to be had in perpetual remembrance. 

voi.i.p.84. " Brethren (faid he) we are now quickly to 
" part from one another, and whether I may 
" ever live to fee your face on earth any 
*' more, the God of heaven only knows ; but 
" whether the Lord hath appointed that or 
" no, I charge you before God and his blef- 
" fed angels that you follow me no further 
" than you have feen me follow the Lord Je- 
" fus Chrift. If God reveal any thing to you 
" by any other inftrument of his, be as ready 
*' to receive it, as ever you were to receive 
" any truth by my miniilry ; for I am veri- 
** ly perfuaded, I am very confident, the Lord 
*' has more truth yet to break forth out of 
" his holy word. For my part, I cannot fuf- 
'^ iiciently bewail the condition of the re- 
*' formed churches, who are come to a peri- 
" od in religion, and will go at prefent no 
" farther than the inflruments of their refor- 
" mation. The Lutherans cannot be drawn 
*^ to go beyond what Luther faw ; whatever 
" part of his v/ill our Good God has reveal- 
*' ed to Calvin, they will rather die than em- 
^^ brace it. And the Calvinifls you fee ftick 
" faft where they were left by that great 
" man of God, who yet faw not all things. 
" This is a mifery much to be lamented ^ 
" for though they were burning and lliining 
" lights in their times, yet they penetrated 
" not into the whole counfel of God ; but 
" were they now living, would be as willing 
" to embrace farther light, as that which 
" they at firfl received. I befeech you to re- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 63 

" member it as an article of your church 
" covenant, That you be ready to receive what- 
" ever truth Jloall be made known to you from 
" the written word of God, Remember that, 
" and every other article of your facred cov- 
" enant. But I mud herewithal exhort you 
** to take heed what you receive as truth. 
" Examine, coniider and compare it with 
" other fcriptures of truth, before you re- 
" ceive it ; for it is not poflible the chriftian 
" world fliould come fo lately out of fuch 
" thick antichriflian darknefs, and that per- 
" fedion of knowledge ihould break forth 
" at once." It is much to be regretted that 
this excellent man did not live to reach New- 
England and to difFufe more generally fuch 
truly catholic aud apoflolic principles. 

Many of the firfl planters of New-Eng- 
land were perfons of good education, and 
fome of them eminent for their abilities and 
learning. Such vpl^vi could not but fee the 
necefTity of fecuring to their poflerity the 
advantages which they had fo dearly purch- 
afed. One of their firfl concerns was to 
have their children confidered, from their 
earliefl years, as fubjecfls of ecclefiaftical dif- 
cipline. This became a matter of controver- 
fy, and was largely difcufTed in fermons and 
pamphlets, and at length determined by the 
auiihority of a fynod. A regular courfe of 
academical learning was a point of equal im- 
portance, and admitted of no difpute. They 
faw that the reputation and happinefs of the 
whole country depended greatly upon it. 
They therefore took early care for the eflab- 
lifhment of fckools, and within ten years 



64 HISTORY OF 

from their firfl fettlement, founded a Col- 
lege at Cambridge*, which from fmall be- 
ginnings, by the munificenee of its patrons, 
has made a dillinguifhed figure in the re- 
public of letters. Many eminent men have 
there been formed for the fervice of the 
church and flate ; and without this advan- 
tage the country could not have arrived, in 
fo fhort a time, at its prefent refpe6lable 
ftate ; nor have been furnifhad with men ca- 
pable of filling the various ftations of vife- 
fulnefs, and of defending our civil and reli- 
gious liberties. 

Though the firft planters derived from the 
royal grants and charters a political right as 
fubjects of the crown of England, to this ter- 
ritory ; yet they did not think themfelves 
juftly entitled to the property of it till they 
had fairly purchafed it of its native lords, 
and made them full fatisfadlionf . Nor did 
they content themfelves with merely living 
peaceably among them, but exerted them- 
felves vigoroufly in endeavouring their con- 
verfion to chriftianity, which was one of the 
obligations of their patent, and one of the 
profefTed defigns of their fettlement in this 
country. This painful work was remarka- 
bly fucceeded, and the names of Eliot and 

• "Wlien New-England was poor, and we were but few in number, there 
" was a spirit to encourage learning, and the college was full of studvnts." 

Result of a Synod in 1679. 

■]■ The Abbe Raynal in his elegant History of the East and West Indies 
sppaks of the purchase made of the Indians by William Penn In 1681, as 
" an example of moderation and justice in America, which was never thouglic 
" of before, by the Europeans." It can be no derogation from the honor due. 
to the wise founder of Pennsylvania that the example of this moderation and 
justice was first set by the planters of New-England, whose deeds of con- 
veyance from the Indians were earlier than his by half a century. 

In some parts of the coxmtry the lands purchased of the Intlians are sub 
jeet to quit-rent, which is annually paid to their posterity. They have lands 
resei-vecl to their use, which are not allowed to be pinrlr.ucl of them without 
the consent of the legi:!aturc. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 63 

May HEW will always be remembered as un- 
wearied inftruments in promoting it. Great 
care was taken by the government to pre- 
vent fraud and injuftice toward the Indians 
in trade, or violence to then' perfons. The 
nearefl of the natives were fo fenfible of the 
juflice of their Englifh neighbours, that they 
lived in a Hate of peace with them, with but 
little interruption, for above fifty years. 

Slavery was thought fo inconiiftent with 
the natural rights of mankind, and detri- 
mental to fociety, that an exprefs law was 
made, prohibiting the buying or felling of 
ilaves, except thofe taken in lawful war, or 
reduced to fervitude for their crimes by a 
judicial fentence ; and thefe were to have 
the fame privileges as were allowed by the 
laws of Mofes. There was a remarkable in- 
flance of juflice in the execution of this law 
in 1645, when a Negro who had been frau- 
dulently brought from the coafl of Africa, 
and fold in the country, was by the fpecial 
interpofition of the general court taken from 
his mafter in order to be fent home to his 
native land*. How long after this the im- 
portation of blacks continued to be difallow- 
ed is uncertain ; but if the fame refolute 
juflice had always been obferved, it would 
have been much for the credit and interefV 
o^f the country ; and our own flruggles for 

* " 14. 3(1 mo. 164S. Tlie court thoiigjht proper to write to Mr. Wil- 
'■ Hams of Pascataqua, (understanding that the Negroes which Captain 
'• Sinyth brouiifht were fraudently and injuriously taken and brought froiri 
" Guinea, by Capt. Smyth'i confession and the rest of the company) that he 
*' forthwith send the Negro which he had of Captain Smyth hither, that he 
' may be sent home, wliich tliis court doth resolv& to send back without de- 
" lay. And if you have any tiling to alledge, why you should not return 
'• him to he disposed of by the court, it will be expected you should forth- 
" with nvikeit appear either by yourself or your agent." 

Massachusetts Re<»}rdt; 
I 



S§- HISTORY Of 

liberty would not have carried fo flagrant an 
appearance of inconfiftency. 

Severe lav^rs conformable to the principles 
of the laws of Mofes were enadled againll all 
kinds of immorality. Blafphemy, Idolatry, 
adultery, unnatural lulls, rape, murder, man- 
dealing, falfe witnefs, rebellion againft par- 
ents, and coiifpiracy againft the common- 
wealth were made capital crimes ; and be- 
caufe fome doubted whether the magiftrate 
could punifh breaches of the four firft com-? 
mands of the decalogue, this right was af^ 
ferted in the higheft tone, and the denial of 
it ranked among the moll peftilent herefies, 
and punifhed with baniflmient. By the fe- 
verity and impartiality with which thofe 
laws were executed, intemperance and pro- 
fanenefs were fo effectually difcountenanced 
that Hugh Peters, who had refided in the 
country twenty years, declared before the 
parliament that he had not feen a drunken 
man, nor heard a profane oath during that 
period. The report of this extraordinary 
ftricflnefs, while it invited many of the beft 
men in England to come over, kept them 
clear of thofe wretches who fly from one 
country to another to efcape the punifliment 
of their crimes. 

The profefled deiign of the plantation be- 
ing th€ advancement of religion, and men of 
the ftridleft morals being appointed to the 
chief places of government, their zeal for 
purity of every kind carried them into fome 
refinements in their laws which are not gen- 
erally fuppofed to come within the fphere of 
magiftracy, and in larger communities could 
fcarcely be attended to in a judicial way. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 67 

Tlie drinking of healths, and the ufe of to- 
bacco were forbidden, the former being con- 
(idered as an heatheniili and idolatrous prac- 
tice, grounded on the ancient libations ; the 
Other as a fpecies of intoxication and wafle of 
time. Laws were inftituted to regulate the in- 
tercourfe between the fexes, and the advances 
toward matrimony ; They }iad a ceremony 
of betrothing, which preceded that of mar- 
riage. Pride and levity of behavior came 
tinder the cognizance of the magiftrate. Not 
only the richnefs but the mode of drefs, and 
cut of the hair were ilibjedl to flate-reguia- 
tions. Women were forbidden to expofe 
their arms or bofoms to view ; it was ord- 
ered that their fleeves fhould reach down to 
their wrift, and their gowns be clofed round 
the neck. Men were obliged to cut fliort 
their hair, that they might not refemble wo- 
men. No perfon not worth two hundred 
pounds was allowed to wear gold or filver 
lace, or filk hoods and fcarfs. Offences a- 
gainfl thefe laws were prefentable by the 
grand jury ; and thofe who drejGTed above 
their rank were to be affelTed accordingly. 
Sumptuary laws might be of ufe in the be- 
ginning of a new plantation ; but thefe pi- 
ous rulers had more in view than the politi- 
cal good. They were not only concerned 
for the external appearance of lobriety and 
good order, but thought themfelves obliged^ 
lb far as they were able, to promote real re- 
ligion and enforce the obfervance of the di- 
vine precepts. 

As they were fond of imagining a near re- 
femblance between the circumftances of their 
iettlemcnt in tjiis country and the redemp- 



6S HrSTORY OF 

tion of Ifrael from Egypt or Babylon ; it is 
not flrange that they fliould alfo look upon 
their " commonwealth as an inflitution of 

" God for the prefervation of their church- 
increase J 1 • • 1 

Mather's " cs, and the civil rulers as both members 
iife,p.5r. cc and fathers of them." The famous John 
Cotton, the firft minifter in Bofton was the 
chief promoter pi^ this fentiment. When 
he arrived in 16fe^ he found the people di- 
Mather\ vided ill their opinions. Some had been ad- 
hbXy.^' mitted to the privileges of freemen at the 
ij@. firft general court, who were not in commu- 

nion with the churches ; after this an order 
,was paffed, that none but members of the 
churches fhould be admitted freemen ; 
Ijwhereby all other perfons were excluded 
' from every oiEce or privilege civil or mili- 
tary. This great man by his eloquence 
confirmed thofe wPio had embraced this 
opinion, and earneftly pleaded " that the 
" government might be confidered as a theo- 
" cracy wherein the Lord was judge, lawgiv- 
" er and king ; that the laws which he gave 
" Ifrael might be adopted, fo far as they 
'^ were of moral and perpetual equity ; that 
" the people might be confidered as God's 
" people in covenant with him ; that none 
" but perfons of approved piety and eminent 
" gifts fiiould bo chofen rulers ; that the 
** minifters fhould be confulted in all mat- 
'' ters of religion ; and that the magilbate 
" fliouId have a fuperintending and coercive 
" power over the churches." At the defire 
of the court, he compiled a fyftem of laws 
coiiec. founded chiefly on the laws of Mofes, which 
pampers, p. ^gg confidcred by the legiflative body as 
the general ftandard ; tho\igh they never for- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 69 

nially adopted it, and in fome inftances va- 
ried from it. 

Thefe principles were fundamentally the 
lame with thofe on which were ground- 
ed all the perfecutions which they had en- 
dured in England, and naturally led to the 
fame extremes of condudl which they had fo 
bitterly complained of in thofe civil and ec-^ 
clefiaftlcal rulers, from whofe tyranny they 
had fled into this wildernefs. They had al» 
ready proceeded a ftep farther than the hie- 
rarchy had ever attempted. No teft-law had 
as yet taken place in England ; but they had 
at one blow cut off all but thofe of their own 
communion, from the privileges of civil 
offices, however otherwife qualified. They 
thought that as they had fuffered fo much 
in laying the foundation of a new flate, 
which was fuppofed to be " a model of the 
" glorious kingdom of Chrifl on earth*," 
they had an exclulive right to all the hon- 
ours and privileges of it ; and having the 
power in their hands, they effectually eftab- 
lifhed their preteniions, and made all diffent- 
ers and diflurbers feel the weight of their 
indignation. 

In confequence of the union thus formed 
between the church and flate on *-he plan of 
the Jewifli theocracy, the minifters were cal- 
led to fit in council, and give their advice in 
matters of religion and cafes of confcience 

* " I look upon this as a little mbdel of the glorious kingdom of Christ 
• on earth. Christ reigns an.ong; us in the commonwealth as well as in the 
-■ Churcli, and hath his glorious interest involved in the good of both so- 
" cieties respectively. He that sliall be treaclierous and false to the civi! 
" government, is guilty of high treason against the Lord Jesus Christ, anc*. 
" w ill be proc-eded against as a rebel and traitor to the King of kings, when 
*' ha .shall hold his great assizes at the end of the world." 

President Oakts's Election Sermon, 167f». 



■^ 



HISTORY OP 



which came before the court, and without 
them they never proceeded to any acSl of an 
eccleliaflical nature. As none were allowed 
to vote in the election of rulers but freemen, 
and freemen mufl be church members ; and 
as none could be admitted into the church 
but by the elders, who firfl examined, and 
then propounded them to the brethren for 
their vote, the clergy acquired hereby a vafl 
afcendency over both rulers and people, and 
had in effedt the keys, of the ftate as well as 
the church in their hands. The magiftrates, 
on the other hand, regulated the gathering 
of churches, interpofed in the fettlement and 
difmifiion of miniflers, arbitrated in eccleii- 
aftical controveriies and controled fynodical 
aiiemblies. This coercive power in the magif- 
trate was deemed abfolutely neceflarv to' 
preferve " the order of the gofpel.'* 

The principle on which this power is 
sec.*^3. grounded is expreffed in the Cambridge 
Platform in terms as foft as poiTible. " The 
" power and authority of magiftrates is not 
" for the reftraining of churches, or any other 
^^ good works, but for the helping in and 
" furthering thereof, and therefore the con- 
" fent and countenance of magiftrates iJDhen 
" it may be had, is not to be flighted or light- 
" ly efteemed ; but, on the contrary, it is a 
" part of the honor due to chriftian magif- 
" trates to defire and crave their confent and 
*' approbation therein : which being obtain- 
" ed, the churches may then proceed in their 
*' way with tnncb more encouragement and 
" comfort." This article (like divers others 
in that work) is curioufly and artfully drawn 
up, fo tliat there is an appearance of liberty 



Cliap. 17. 



, NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 71 

and tendcrnefs but none . in reality : For al- 
though the magiftrate was not to reftrain 
any good works, yet he was to be the judge of 
the good or evil of the works to be reftrain- 
ed ; and what fecurity could churches have 
that they fhould not be reftrained in the per- 
formance of what they judged to be good 
works ? They might indeed think them- 
felvcG fafe, while their rulers were fo zealous 
for the purity of the churches of which 
themfelves were members, and while their 
minifters were confulted in all eccleliaftical 
affairs ; but if the civil powers had adled 
* without fuch confultation, or if the minif- 
ters had been induced to yield to the opinion 
of the magiflrates, when contrary to the in- 
tereft of the churches, what then would 
have become of religious liberty ? 

The idea of liberty in inatters of religion 
was in that day flrangely underflood, and 
myflerioufly expreffed. The venerable Hig- 
ginfon of Salem in his fermon on the day of 
the elccfbion 1G63, fpeaks thus ; " The gof- 
" pel of Chrifl hath a right paramount all 
" rights in the world ; it hath a divine and 
" fuprcme right to be received in every na- 
" tion, and the knee of magiflracy is to bow 
" at the name of Jefus. This right carries 
** liberty along with it, for all fuch as pro- 
" fefs the gofpel, to walk according to the 
" faith and order of the gofpel. That which 
" is contrary to the gofpel hath no right, and 
*' therefore fhould have no liberty." Here 
the queflion arifes, who is to be the judge 
of what is agreeable cr contrary to the gof^ 
pel ? If the magiflrate, then there is only a 
liberty to believe and pra6lice what the 



T^ HISTORY O? 

magiih-ate thinks right. A limilar fentiment 
occurs in the fermon of the learned Prefident 
Oakes on the fame occafion in 1673 ; " The 
" outcry of fome is for liberty of confcience. 
^ This is the great Diana of the libertines of 
*' this age. But remember that as long as you 
^* have liberty to walk in the faith and order 
" of the gofpel, and may lead quiet and 
" peaceable lives in all godlinefs and honef- 
" ty, you have as much liberty of confcience 
^* as Paul defired under any government." 
Here the queftion recurs, Would Paid have 
fu-bmitted to walk according to the opinion 
which the magiflrate might entertain of the 
faith and order of the goipel ? But tliis was 
all the freedom allowed by the fpirit of thefe 
times. Liberty of confcience and toleration 
were offenfive terms, and they who ufed 
them were fuppofed to be the enemies of re- 
ligion and government. " I look upon tol~ 
" eration (fays the fame author) as the firll 
" born of all abominations ; if it fhould be 
" born and brought forth among us, you 
" may call it Gad, and give the fame reafon 
" that Leah did for the name of her fon, Be- 
" hold a troop cometh^ a troop of all manner of 
*' abominations." In another of thefe elec- 
Election tion lermons, (which may generally be ac- 
167?°"' counted the echo of the public voice, or the 
political pulfe by which the popular opinion 
may be felt) it is flirewdly intimated that 
toleration had its origin from the devil, and 
the fpeech of the demoniac who cried out^ 
" what have we to do with thee, let us alone, 
" thou Jefus of Nazareth," is ftyled " Satan's 
" plea for toleration." The following admo - 



f^EW-HAMPSHIRfi. 73 

aitioft to pollerit)^, v/ritten by the Deputy- 
Governor Dudley, is ^pother fpecimen. 

" Let men at' God in courts and churches watch Morton's 

•' O'er such as do a toleration hatch ; Memorial. 

*• Lest that i!l egg bring forth a cockatrice, P* ^'^'* 

'■' To poison all with heresy and vice. 
'' If men be left and otherwise combine 
'■' My epitaph's / die noiiia-iifie." 

The champion of thefe fentiments was Cot- 
ton, who though eminently meek, placid and 
charitable, yet was (Irongly tin(5tured with 
the prevailing opinion, That the magiftrate 
had a coercive power againft heretics. The 
banifhment of Roger Williams, minifter of 
Salem, occafioned a vehement controverfy 
on this point. Williams having written in 
favour of liberty of confcience, and flyled 
the oppofite principle " the bloody tenet ;" 
was anfwered by Cotton, who publiihed a 
Treatife in 1647 with this ftrange' title, 
*•* The bloody tenet wailied, and made white 
^' in the blood of the Lamb.'* In this work 
he labours to prove the lawfulnefs of 
the magiflrate's ufing the civil fword to ex- 
tirpate heretics, froni the commands given 
to the Jews to put to death blafphemers and 
idolaters. To the obje6lion, that perfecu- 
tion ferves to make men hypocrites, he fays, 
" better tolerate hypocrites and tares than 
" briars and thorns. In fuch cafes the civil 
*'* fword doth not fo much attend the con- 
•' verGon of feducers, as the preventing the 
'■• feducdon of honefl minds by their means." 
He allows indeed that " the magiftrate ought 
*' not to draw the fword againft feducers till 
'* he have nfed all eood means for their con- 



V- 



fr>' 



W HISTORY OF 

" vidlion : But if after their continuance in ob' 
" ftinate rebellion againfl the light, he Ihall 
" flill walk toward them in foft and gentle 
" commiferation, his foftnefs and gentlenefs 
" is exceilive large to foxes and wolves ; but 
" his bowels are miferably flraitned and 
" hardned againft the poor flieep and lambs 

• *' of Chrift. Nor is it fruftrating the end of 
" Chrifl's coming, which was to fave fouls, 
" but a dire6l advancing it, to deflroy, if 
" need be, the bodies of thofe wolves, who 
" feek to deflroy the fouls of thofe for whom 
" Chrift died." In purfuing his argument 
he refines fo far as to deny that any man is 
to be perfecuted on account of confcience 
" till being convinced in his confcience of 

• " his wickednefs, he do fcand out therein, 
" not only againft the truth, but againft the 
" light of his own confcience, that fo it 
" may appear he is not perfecuted for caufe 
" of confcience, but puniflied for finning 
" againft his own confcience." To which 
he adds, " fometimes it may be an aggrava- 
" tion of fm both in judgment and practice 
" that a man committeth it in confcience." 
" After having faid that it v/as toleration 
" which made the world antichriftian," he 
concludes his book with this fingular ejacu- 
lation, " the Lord keep us from being be- 
" witched with the whore's cup, left while 
" we feem to rejedl her with open face of 
" -profefTion, we bring her in by a back door 
" of toleration ; and fo come to drink deep- 
" ly of the cup of the Lord's wrath, and be 
" filled with her plagues." 

But the ftrangeft language that ever was 
ufed on this or perhaps on any other fubjecl. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 75 

is to be found in a book printed in 1645 by 
tlie humourous Ward of Ipfwich entitled, 
** the Simple Cobler of Agawam." " My 
" heart (fays he) hath naturally detefted 
" four things ; the {landing of the Apocry- 
" pha in the bible : foreigners dwelling in 
" my country; to croud out native fubjecfls 
" into the corners of the earth : alchymized 
" coins : toleration of divers religions or of 
" one religion in fegregant fliapes. He that 
" willingly affents to the lall, if he examines 
*' his heart by day-light, his confcience will 
" tell him, he is either an atheift, or an here- 
*' tic, or an hypocrite, or at bed a captive to 
" fome luft. Polypiety is the greateil impiety 
" in the world. To authorize an untruth by 
" toleration of the (late, is to build a fconce 
" againft the walls of heaven, to batter God 
" out of his chair. Perfecution of true reli- 
" gion and toleration of falfe are the Jannes 
" and Jambres to the kingdom of Chrifl, 
" whereof the laft is by far the worfl. He 
" that is willing to tolerate any unfound 
" opinion, that his own may be tolerated 
" though never fo found, will for a need, 
" hang God's bible at the devil's girdle. It 
*' is faid that men ought to have liberty of 
*' confcience and that it is perfecution to de- 
" bar them of it : I can rather ftand amaz- 
" ed than reply to this ; it is an aftonifhment 
" that the brains of men Ihould be parboiled 
*' in fuch impious ignorance." 

From tliefe fpecimens, (of which the read- 
er Vv^ill think he has had enough) it is eafy 
to fee how deeply the principle of intoleran- 
cy was rooted in the minds of our forefath- 
ers. Had it flood only in their books as a 



^76 HISTORY Of 

fiibjedl of fpeculation, it might have been 
excufed, confidering the prejudices of the 
times ; but it was drawn out into fatal prac- 
tice, and caufed fevere perfecutions whiclj 
camiot be juftified conliftently with chrifli- 
anity or true poUcy. Whatever may be faid 
in favour of their proceedings againfl the 
Antinomians, whofe principles had fuch an 
efFe(5l on the minds of the people as materi- 
ally afFedled the foundations of government, 
in the infancy of the plantation ; yet the 
Anabaptifts and Quakers were fo inconfid- 
erable for numbers, and the colony was then 
fo well eftabliihed that no danger could have 
been rationally apprehended to the common- 
wealth from them. Rhode-Ifland was fet- 
tled by fome of the Antinomian exiles on a 
Calender's pJau of entire religious liberty : men of eve- 
sermon, Ty denomination being equally protecfled and 
^^^^ countenanced, and enjoying the honours and 
offices of government. The Anabaptifts, 
fined and banilhed, flocked to that new fet- 
tlement, and many of the Qv^akerc alfo took 
refuge there ; fo that Rho^e-Illand was in 
thofe days looked upon as the drain or fnik 
of NevsT-England ; and it has been faid that 
" if any man had loft his religion, he might 
" find it there, among fuch a general mufter 
" of opinionifts." Notwithftanding this in- 
vective, it is much to the honour of that 
government that there never was an iuftancc 
of perfecution for confcience fake counten- 
anced by them. Rhode-Ifland and Pennfyl- 
vania aiford a ilrong proof that toleration 
conduces greatly to the fettlement ai\d in- 
Gl'eafe of an infant plantatioi^. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 77 

The Quakers at firft were baniftied ; but 
this proving infufficient, a fucceffion of fan- 
guinary laws were enacfled againft them, of 
which imprifonment, whipping, cutting off the 
ears, boring the tongue with an hot iron, and 
banifhment on pain of death, were the terri- 
ble fandtions. In confequence of thefe laws 
four perfons were put to death at Bofton, 
bearing their punifhment with patience and 
fortitude ; folemnly protefting that their re- 
turn from banifhment was by divine direc- 
tion, to warn the magiftrates of their errors, 
and intreat tliem to repeal their cruel laws ; 
denouncing the judgments of God upon sewd's 
them ; and foretelling that if they lliould put the'a?aki 
them to death others would rife up in their ^'*' 
room to fill their hands with work*. After 

* Tlie followins; passages extracted from William Leddra's letter to liis 
"ftiends, written the day before his execution, March 15, 1660 shew an ele- 
gance of sentinnent and expression, not comnnon in their writings. 

" Most dear and inwardly beloved, 

" The sweet influence of the morninsf star, like a flood, distilling into my 
■■' innocent habitation hath so filled me with the joy of the Lord in the beauty 
''• of holiness, that my spirit is as if it did not inhabit a tabernacle of clay, 
^ but is wholly swallowed up in the bosom of eternity from whence it had its 
■" being;." 

" Alas, alas ! what can the wrath and spirit of man that lusteth to 
"^ envy, agp^ravated by the heat and strength of the king of the locusts wliich 
^' came out of the pit, do unto one that is hid in the secret places of the Al- 
'* mighty ? or to them that are gathered under the healing wings of the 
" Prince of Peace ? O my beloved, I have waited as the dove at the win- 
'^ dows of the ark, and have stood still in thatwatch, which the master did at 
*^ his coming reward with the fulness of his love -, wherein my heart did re- 
''* joice that I might speak a few words to you, sealed with the spirit of 
" promise. As the flowing of the ocean doth fiJl every creek and branch 
• ''' thereof, and then retires again toward its own being and fulness and leaves 
" a savour beliind it ; so doth the life and virtue of God flow into everyone 
" of your hearts, whom he hath made partakers of his divine nature ; and 
" when it withdraws but a little, it leaves a sweet savour behind it, 
" that many can say they are made clean through the word that he has spok- 
" en to them. Therefore, my dear hearts, let the enjoyment of the life alone 
¥ bs your hope, your joy and your consolation. Stand in the watch within, 
" in the fear of the Lonl which is the entrance of wisdom. Confess him 
" before men, yea before his greatest enemies. Fear not what they can do 
•' to you : Oreater is he that is in you than he that is in the world, for he 
*' will clothe you with humility and in the power of his meekness you shall 
V reign over all t'je rage of ycir enemies." 

' Sewel's Hist Ruakers, page ^74. 



Collect, 
papers, p. 
327. 



7B HISTORY O^ 

the execution of the fourth perfon, an order 
from King Charles the fecond, procured by 
their friends in England, put a ftop to capi- 
tal executions. 

Impartiality will not fufFer a veil to be 
drawn over thefe difgraceful ti'anfadtions. 
The utmofl that has been pleaded in favor of 
them, cannot excufe them in the eye of reaf- 
Hutch. on and juflice. The Quakers, it is faid, were 
heretics ; their principles appeared to be 
fubverlive of the gofpel, and derogatory from 
the honor of the Redeemer. Argument and 
fcripture were in this cafe the proper weap- 
ons to combat them with ; and if thefe had 
failed of fuccefs, they mufl have been left to 
the judgment of an omnifcient and merciful 
God. They v/ere complained of as diftur- 
bers of the peace, revilers of magiftracy, 
" malignant and affiduous promoters of doc- 
" trines diredlly tending to fubvert both 
" church and ftate ;" and our fathers thought 
it hard, when they had Bed from oppofition 
and perfecution in one fhape to be again 
troubled with it in another. But it would 
have been more to their honor to have fuf- 
fered their magiftracy and church order to 
be infulted, than to have ftained their hands 
with the blood of men who deferved pity 
rather than puniflimcnt. The Quakers in- 
deed had no right to difturb them : and fome 
of their conduct was to an high degree inde- 
cent and provoking ; but they were under 
the influence of a fpirit which is not eaiily 
quelled by oppolition. Had not the govern- 
ment appeared to be jealous of their princi- 
ples, and prohibited the reading of their books 
before any of them appeared in perfon, there 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 79 

could not have been fo plaufible a pretext for 
their reviling government. It was faid that 
the laws hj which they were condemned 
were grounded on the laws in England ^^^^^ 
againft Jefuits, But the cafe was by no History 
means parallel, (as the Quakers pleaded) ^"'''"^• 
their principles and practices not being equal- 
ly detrimental to fociety. It was moreover 
urged in excufe of the feverities exercifed 
againft the Quakers that the magiftrates 
thought themfelves " bound in confcience to ^^ss. Rec. 
keep the pafTage with tlie point of the fword : 
this (it was faid) could do no harm to him 
that would be warned by it : their rulhing 
on it was their own a6l, and they brought 
the blood on their own heads. Had they 
promifed to depart the jurifdidlion and not 
return without leave, the country would have 
been glad to have rid themfelves of the trouble 
of executing the laws upon them ; it was 
their prefamptuous returning after baniili- 
ment that caufed them to be put to death." 
This was the plea which the court ufed in ^^^^ ^ ^ 
their addrels to the king ; and in another p. 272. 
vindication publifhed by their order, the un- 
happy fuiFerers are ftyled " felones de fe," or 
felf-murderers. But this will not juftify the 
putting them to death, unlefs the original 
crimes for which they were baniflied had de- 

/ . , p. 199. 

fervedit. The preamble to the a6l by which 
they were condemned charges them with 
" altering the received laudable cuftom of giv- 
ing refpecfl to equals and reverence to fupe- 
riors ; that their acSlions tend to undermine 
the civil government and deftroy the order 
"of the churches, by denying all eftablifhed 
forms of worfhip, by withdrawing frofn or- 



80 HISTORY OF 

derly church fellowfhip allowed and appfov- 
ed by all orthodox profefTors of the truth, 
and inflead thereof, and in oppolition there- 
to, frequently meeting themfelves, infinaat- 
ing themfelves into the minds of the limple, 
whereby divers of our inhabitants have been 
iiifecSled." Did thefe offences deferve death ? 
had any government a right to terrify with 
capital laws perfons guilty of no other crimes 
than thefe, efpecially when they profeffed that 
they were obliged to go the greatefl lengths 
in maintaining thofe tenets which they judg- 
ed facred, and following the dictates of that 
fpirit w^hich they thought divine ? Was not 
the mere " holding the point of the fword" 
to them, really inviting them to " rulh on 
"it" and feal their teftimony wdth their 
blood ? and was not this the mofl likely way 
to flrengthen and increafe their party ? Such 
punilhment for offences which proceeded 
from a mifguided zeal, increafed and in- 
flamed by oppofition, will never refled: any 
honour on the policy or moderation of the 
government ; and can be accounted for only 
by die ilrong prediledion for coercive pow- 
er in religion, retained by mofl or all of the 
reformed churches ; a prejudice which time 
and experience w^ere neceffiry to rem.ove*. 

* From the following authorities, it will appear that the jfoveinment of 
New-England, however severe and unjustifiable in their proceedinsfs against 
tiie GLuakers, went no farther than tlie most eminent retovmcrs ; particularly 
the Bohemians, the Lutherans, the celebrated Calvin and the martyr Ci;an- 
mer. 

In the war which the Emperor Sigismond excited against the Bohemian 
reformers, who had the famcms Zisca for their general ; " The nets of bar- 
barity which were committed on both sides were shocking and terrible be- 
yond expression. For notwithstanding the irreconcileab'c opposition bctweeii 
the religious sentiments of tiie contenvling parties, they botli agreed i;i tliis 
one horrible point, that it was innocent and lawfvd to p*,! secute and extir- 
pate with fire and sword, t]ie enemies of the tn;c rt^igi-Mi, and ;u.h th?-/ 



>/EW-IIAMPSIIIRE. 81 

The miflakes on which their condtid: was 
grounded cannot be detedled in a more maf- 
terly manner, than by tranfcribing the fenti- 
ments of Dod;or Increafe Mather, who lived 
in thofe times, and was a flrong advocate for 
the coercive power of the magi Urate in mat- 
ters of religion ; but afterward changed his 
opinion on this point. " He became fenii- 
" ble that the example of the Ifraelitifh re- 
" formers inflidling penalties onfalfe worfhip- 
" pers would not legitimate the like proceed- 
" ings among chrillian gentiles : For the ho- 
" iy land of old was, by a deed of gift from 
" the glorious God, miraculoufly and indif- 
" putably granted to the Ifraelitifh nation, 
" and the condition on which they had it was 

recipiocally appeared to be in eacli others eyes." Mosheim's Eccl. Hist. vol. 
3. p. 261. 

" It were indeed ardently to be wished, that the Lutherans lad treated 
witli more mildness and cliarity those who differed from them in religious 
opinions. Bvit they had unhappily imbibed a spirit of persecution in their 
early education. This was too much the spirit of the times, and it was even 
a leading maxim with our ancestors (this author was a Lutlieran) that it was 
both lawful and expedient to use severity and force against those whom they 
looked upon as heretics. This maxim ivas deri-ved from ROME ; and even 
those wlio separated from that church did not find it easy to throw off all of a 
sudden that despotic ?nd uncharitable spirit, that had so long been the main 
spring of its government and the general characteristic of its members. Nay 
in tlieir narrow view of things, their very piety seemed to suppress tlie gen- 
erous movements of fraternal love and forbearance, and the more they felt 
tliemselves animated with a zeal for the divine gloiy, the more difficult did 
diey find it to renounce that ancient and favourite maxim, that whoever is 
Ujund to be an enemy to God, ought also to be declared an enemy to lu3 
lijuntry." Mosheim, vol. 4. page 437. 

■" Michael Servetus, a Spanish physician, published seven books in which 
he attacked the sentiments adopted by far the greatest part of the christian 
. iuicli, in relation to the divine nature and a trinity of persons in the God- 
. )\i'?A. Few innovators have set out witii a better prospect of success : But 
■.'.V. Wii views were totally disapjx)inted by the vigilance and severity of Calvin, 
w!io when Servetus was passing through Switzerland, caused him to be ap- 
prdiendfii! at Geneva in the year 15.'i3, and had an accusation of blasphemy 
I) ria:;ht against him liefore the council. Servetus adliering resolutely to the 
opinions he h,a J embraced, was declared an obstinate heretic and condemned 
\(, t'l-.e flames." IVIoslieim, vol. 4. page 171. 

V)r. Macclnine in his note on this passage, says, " It was a remaining por- 
tion of the spir-t of popery in the breast of Calvin that kindled his unchristian 
.>ai against tlic wretched Servetus. v.hose death will be an indelible re^ 
T;r..adi\!ixni th':- characfer of tliat o'veat and eminent v,^fai'.i?K.'-,"' 



8^ HiaTORV Of 

" their obfervance of the Mofaic inltitutions, 
" To violate them was high treafon againft 
" the king of the theocracy, an iniquity to 
" be punilliecl by the judge. At the fame 
" time fojourners in the land were not com- 
^* pelled to the keeping thofe rites and law.^ 
" which Mofes had given to the people. 
, *' Nay the Ifraelites themfelves fell, many of 
^' them, into the v/orfl of herefies, yet while 
" they kept the laws and rites of Mofes, the 
" magiflrate would not meddle with them. 
*' The herefy of the Sadducees in particular 
" llruck at the foundation of all religion ; 
" yet we do not find that our Saviour ever 

In tlie rtign of Edward the sixth of England, anno, 1549, " A ■womari 
" called Joan Bocher, or Joan of Kent, was accused of heretical pravity. Her 
" doctrinu was, " that Christ was not truly incarnate of the virgin, whose 
" flesh being the outward man was sinfully begotten and born in sin ; and 
" consequently he could take none of it ; but the word by the consent of the in- 
" ward man of the virgin was made flesh." A scholastic nicety, net capii 
ble of doing much mischief 1 but there was a necessity for dcliveiing tl:e wo- 
man to the ilaines for maintaining it. The young king though in such ten- 
dtr years, had more sense than nil his counsellors and prtcepiors ; and he 
long refused to sign the warrant for her execution. Cranmkr, with his su- 
perior learning, was employed to persuade him to compliance, and he said, 
that the prince, being God's deputy, ought to repress impieties against God, 
in like manner as the king's deputies were bound to punish offenders against 
the king's person. He also argued from the practice of the Jewish church in 
stoning blasphemers. Edward overcome by importunity more than reason 
at last Submitted, and told Cranmer witli tears in his eyes, tl;at if any wrong 
was dene, the guilt should lie entirely on his head. The primate v>as struqk 
with surprize ; but after making a new effort to reclaim the vvoman and find- 
ing her obstinate, he at last committed her to the flames. Nor did he ever 
renounce his burning principles so long as he continued in power." Hume't. 
Hist. Eng. 4to vol. 3- p. 320. Neal's Hist. Purit. 4to. vol. 1 . p. 41 . 

It ought also to be remembered, that at the same time that the 6-uakcrs 
suffered in New-England, penal laws against thsm vi-ere made and rigorously 
executed in England ; and though none of them sulTered capital executions, 
yet they were thrown into prison and treated with other marks of cruelty, 
which in some instances proved the means of their death. And though t!;e 
lenity of King Charles the lid in putting a stop to c.ipital executions iicrc 
has been much celebrated, yet in his letter to the Massachusetts goveriinicnr 
the next year, wherein he requires liberty for the church of KTiglarid an ong 
them, he adds, "Wee cannot be understood hereby to direct, or wi.':!! tint any 
"indulgence should be graunted to €Luakers, whose principles, being incon- 
" sistent with any kind of government. Wee have found it necessary with 
*' the advise of our parliament here to m.ake a sharp law ni^ainst them, and 
" are well content you doe, the like there." Records of Dc-eds. Province 
"Maine, lib. l.fol, 129. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. S$ 

^* blamed the Pharifees for not perfecuting 
" them. The chriflian religion brings us 
" not into a temporal Canaan, it knows no 
" weapons but what are purely fpiritual. He 
" faw that until perfecution be utterly ban* 
" iflied out of the world, and Cain's club 
" taken out of Abel's hand, 'tis impoflible to 
•* refcue the world from endlefs confulions. 
" He that has the power of the fword will 
** always be in the right and always afTume 
" the power of perfecuting. In his latter 
" times therefore he looked upon it as one 
** of the mod hopeful among the figns of the 
" times, that people began to be alhamed of 
" a practice which had been a mother of 
" abominations, and he came entirely into 
** tliat golden maxim, Errantis poetia doceri,^'* 
Divers others of the principal adlors and 
abettors of this tragedy lived to fee the folly 
and incompetency of fuch fanguinary laws, 
to which the fufferings of their brethren, 
the noncon£brmi{ls in England, did not a lit- 
tle contribute. Under the arbitrary govern- 
ment of King James the fecond, when he, 
for a Ihew of liberty and as a leading ftep to 
the introduction of popery, iflued a procla- 
mation of indulgence to tender confciences, 
the orincipal men of the country fent hin^ 
an addrefs of thanks, for granting them what; 
thej had formerly denied to others. It is 
but jullice to add, that all thofe difgraceful 
laws were renounced and repealed, and the 
people of New-England are now as candidly 
difpofed toward the Quakers as any other 
denominations of chrifbians. To keep alive 
a fpirit of refencment and reproach to the 
country, pn account of thgf^ ancient tv*mf« 



84 HISTORY Of 

adlions which are now univerfally condem- 
ned, would difcover a temper not very con- 
fiftent with that meeknefs and forgivenefs 
which ought to be cultivated by all who pro- 
fefs to be influenced by the gofpel. 

But though our anceftors are juflly cen- 
(urable for thofe inftances of miscondudl, 
yet they are not to be condemned as unwor- 
thy the chriflian name, fince fome of the 
firll difciples of our Lord, in a zealous imi- 
tation of the prophet Elias, wovild have cal- 
led for fire from Heaven to confume a village 
of the Samaritans who refufed to receive 
him. Their zeal was of the fame kind ; 
and the anfwer which the benevolent author 
of our religion gave to his difciples on that 
occafion, might with equal propriety be ad- 
dreffed to them, and to all perfecuting chrif- 
tians, " Ye know not what fpirit ye are of, 
" for the Son of man is not come to deftroy 
■■■'■ men's live's but to fave them." 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. '^ 



CHAP. IV. 

Mode of Government under AIa.wachusetts.-^Mascn*s efforts 
to recover the /iro/ierty of his ancestor. — Transactions rf the 
King's Commisc/iom-rs. — Gfiposition to them. — Political prin- 
ci/iUs. — Internal transaction^,.. — Mason discouraged. 

During the union of thefe plan- 
tations with MafTachufetts, they were gov- 
erned by the general laws of the colony, and 
the terms of the .union were flric^ly obferv- 
ed. Exeter and Hampton were at firft an- 
nexed to the jurifdi6lion of the courts at 
Ipfwich, till the eftablifhment of a new coun- 1643» 
ty which was called Norfolk, and compre- 
hended Salifbury, Haverhill, Hampton, Ex- 
eter, Portfmouth and Dover. Thefe towns 
were then of fuch extent as to contain all 
the lands between the rivers Merrimack and 
Fafcataqua. The {hire town was Salifbury; 
but Dover and Portfmouth had always a diA / 
tin6l jurifdi6lion, though they were conlid- 
ered as part of this new county ; a court 
being held in one or the other, fometimes 
once and fometimes twice in the year, con- 
fifting of one or more of the magiftrates or 
affiftants, and one or more commiffioners 
chofen by the General Covirt out of the prin- 
cipal gentlemen of each town. This was 
called the court of AfTociates ; and their court rS' 
power extended to caufes of twenty pounds 
value. From them there was an appeal to 
the board of Affiftants, which being found 
incoiivenient, it was in 1670 ordered to be 
made to the county court of Norfolk. Caufes 
under twenty Ihillings in value were fettled in 
;3ach town by an Infevior Court confifting of 



86 HISTORY OF 

three perfons. iVfter fome time they had 
1647. liberty to choofe their Affociates, which was 
done by the votes of both towns, opened at 
x>overand a joint meeting of their felecflmen, though 
^•""■^^'^ fometimes they requefled the comt to ap- 
point them as before. That mutual confi- 
dence between rulers and people, which 
fprings from the genius of a republican gov- 
ernment is obfervable in all their tranfac» 
tions.* 

This extenlion of the colony's jurifdidlion 
over New-Hampfhire, could not fail of being 
noticed by the heirs of Mafon : But the d'lf- 
tracflions caufed by the civil wars in England 
were invincible bars to any legal enquiry. 
The fir ft heir named in Mafon' s will dying 
in infancv, the eftate defcended after the 
death of the executrix to Robert Tufton, who 
165'^, was not of age till 1650. In two years after 
this, Jofeph Mafon came over as agent to the 
executrix, to look after the intereft of her de- 
ceafed hufband. He found the lands at New- 
ichwannock occupied by Richard Leader, 

* In 1652, tlie number of people in Dover was increased so that they 
■ were allowed by law to send two deputies to the General Court. Hampton 
continued sendino^ but one till 1669, and Portsmoutl) till 1672. The names 
*f the representatives which I have been able to recover, are as follows : 
For Dover. 
John Baker, 

Valentine Hill, Richard Cook, of Boston 

Richard VValdron, who was For Hampton, 

chosen without intcrrup- Jeoffry Mingay. 

tion for 25 years, and was Henry Dow, 

sometime speaker of the House. William Fuller, 
Richard Cook. Robert Page, 

Peter Coffin. Roger Shaw, 

For Portsmouth. Roger Page. 

Bryan Pendleton, Samuel Dalton. 

Henry Sherburne, Joshua Gilmnn. ^ 

Richard Cutt.;, Anthony Stanyon. 

>^athaniel Fryer, Christopher Hussey, 

Kluis Stilemati, William Gerrish, 

John Cutts, Joseph Hussey. 

Richard Mai tyn, 
1 d(^ pct fi'id t^jat Ex"t'?r sent ary deputies to couit during this unior^ 

General Covut Ro». 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. S7 

againil whom he brought adlions in the 1652* 
county court of Norfolk ; but a difpute arif- 
ing whether the lands in queftion were with- 
in the jurifdidlion of Maflachufetts, and the 
court of Norfolk judging the adlion not to 
be within their cognizance, recourfe was had 
to the general court ; who on this occalion 
ordered an accurate furvey of the northern 
bounds of their patent to be made ; a thing 
which they had long meditated. A commit- m^'^-^*^- 
tee of the general court attended by Jonathan 
Ince, and John Shearman furveyors, and fev- 
cral Indian guides, went up the river Merri- 
mack to find the mofl northerly part there- 
of, which the Indians told them was at Aque- 
dochtan, the outlet of the lake Winnipifeo- 
gee. The latitude of this place was obferv- 
ed to be 43 degrees 40 minutes and 12 fec- 
onds, to which three miles being added, made 
the line of the patent, according to their con- 
ilrudlion, fall within the lake, in the latitude 
of 43 degrees 43 minutes and 12 feconds. 1653. 
Two experienced fliip-mafters, Jonas Clarke 
raid Samuel Andrews, were then difpatched 
lo the eaft ern coaft, who found the fame de- 
grees, minutes, and feconds, on the northern 
point of an illand in Cafco Bay, called the 
Upper Clapboard Illand. An eall and weft 
line, drawn through thefe points from the 
Atlantic to the South fea, was therefore fup- 
pofed to be the northern boundary of the- 
Maflachufetts patent, within which the whole 
claim of Maibn, and the greater part of that 
of G orges were comprehended. When this 
grand point was determined, the court were 
ot opinion, that " fome lands at Newichwan- 
"' nock, with the river, were by agreement of 



/ 



88 HISTORY OF 

1653. " Sir Ferdinando Gorges and others, appdr- 
" tioned to Captain Mafon, and that he alfo 
" had right by purchafe of the 1 ndians, as al- 
" fo by pofTefTion and improvement ;" and 
they ordered " a quantity of land proportion- 
" able to his difburfements, with the privi- 
" lege of the river, to be laid out to his heirs." 
The agent made no attempt to recover any 
other part of the eftate ; but having tarried 
long enough in the country to oblerve the 
temper of the government, and the manage- 
ment ufed in the determination of his fait, 
he returned ; and the eftate was given up for 
loft unlefs the governraent of England ftiould 
interpofe. 

During the commonwealth, and the pro- 
tedtorate of Cromwell, there could be no hope 
of relief, as the family had always been at- 
tached to the royal caufe, and the colony 
ftood high in the favor of the parliament and 

1660. of Cromwell. But the reftoration of King 
Charles the fecond encouraged Tufton, who 
now took the firname of Mafbn, to look up 
to the throne for favor and affiftance. For 
though the plan of colonization adopted by 
his grandfather was in itself chimerical, and 
proved fruitlefs, yet he had expended a large 
eftate in the profecution of it, which muft 
have been wholly loft to his heirs, unlefs 
they could recover the pofleflion of his A- 
merican territories. Full of this idea, Ma- 
fon petitioned the king ; fetting forth ' the 
'■ encroachment of the Maflachufetts colony 

* upon his lands, their making grants and 
' giving titles to the inhabitants, and thereby 

* difpoifefting him and keeping him out ot 
'his right"' The king referred the petiriou 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ' S^ 

to his attorney-general Sir GeoiTry Palmer, ^ 1660. 
who reported that " Robert Mafon, grandfon JJj's'';^ sup, 
" and heir to Captain John Malbn, had a coun fues. 
*' good and legal title to the province of New- 
" Hamplliire." Nothing farther was done 
at this time, nor was the matter mentioned 
in the letter which the king foon after fent -iqq^ 
to the colony, though fome ofFenfive things j^^,^^i, ' 
in their conducfl were therein reprehended, ^o"«^ct. of 

t • • • • 1 T> 1 J * papers, p. 

and divers alterations enjomed. But the di- 377. 

recftions contained in this letter not being 

{Iridlly attended to, and complaints being 

made to the king of difputes which had arif- 

en in divers parts of New-England concern- 

in.2; the limits of jurifdiclion, and addrelTes Hutc.irist. 

, *-* . , -L ^ 1 r 1 r Mas. vol. 1, 

having been prelented by leveral perlons, p. 535. 
pr a vhig for the royal interpofition ; a com- 
miliion was illued under the great feal to iggj^ 
Colonel Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carre, ^p.^ 35* 
knight, George Carteret and Samuel Maver- 
i ck, efquires, impowering them " to vifit the 
"feveral colonies of New-England ; to ex- 
" amine and determine all complaints and 
*' appeals in matters civil, military and crimi- 
** nal ; to provide for the peace and fecurity 
" of the country, according to their good and 
" found difcretion, and to fuch inftrudlions 
*' as they fliould receive from the king, and 
** to certify him of their proceedings." 

This commifTion was highly difrelifhed by 
ihe colony, as inconfiftent with the rights and 
privileges which they enjoyed by their char- 
ter, and which the king had facredly prom- 
ifed to confirm. It is therefore no wonder 
that the commifTioners were treated with ^",f''''- 
much coolnefs at their arrival ; but they fe- 417. 
^'orejv repaid it in their report to the king. 

M 



^ ' HISTORY OiP 

li$65. In their progrefs through the country they 
June. came to Pafcataqua, and enquired into the 
bounds of Mafon's patent. They heard the 
allegation of Whelewright, who when ban- 
iflied by the colony, was permitted to refide 
immediately beyond what was called the 
bound-houfe, which was three large miles to 
tlie nortliward of the river Merrimack. They 
took the affidavit of Henry Jocelyn concern- 
ing the agreement between Governor Crad- 
ock and Captain Mafon, that the river fhould 
be the boundary of their refpeclive patents. 
They made no determination of this contro- 
verfy in their report to the king ; but hav- 
ing called together the inhabitants of Portf- 
^ct. ip. mouth, Sir Robert Carre, in the name of the 
reft, told them that " they would releafe them 
" from the government of MafTachufetts, 
" whofe jurifdicflion lliould come no farther 
" than the bound houfe." They then pro- 
ceeded to appoint juftices of the peace and 
other officers, with power to ad: according to 
the laws of England, and fuch laws of their 
own as were not repugnant thereto, until the 
king's pleafure fhould be farther known. 
Hutdiin. There had always been a party here who 
i«p. 488. were difafFe(5led to the government ot MafTa- 
chufetts. One of the inoft adlive among 
them was Abraham Corbett, of Portfmouth, 
who, fince the arrival of the commifTioners 
at Bofton, and probably by authority deriv- 
ed from them, had taken upon him to iflue 
warrants in the king's name on feveral occa- 
iions, which was conftrued a high mifde- 
meanor, as he had never been comniiilioned 
by the atithority of the colony. Being called 
asaa. ec. ^^ account by the general court, he was ad- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 



9f 



moniflied, fined five pounds, and committed 166^. 
till the fentence was performed. Irritated by 
this feverity, he was the fitter inftrument for 
the purpofe of the commifTioners, who em- 
ployed him to frame a petition to the king ia 
the name of the four towns, complaining of 
the ufurpation of MafTachufetts over them, 
and praying to be releafed from their tyran- 
ny. Corbett, in a fecret manner, procured 
feveral perfons both in Portfmouth and Do- 
ver to fubfcribe this petition, but the mofl 
of thofe to whom he offered it refufed. 

The fenfible part of the inhabitants now 
faw with much concern that they were in 
danger of being reduced to the fame unhap- 
py flare which they had been in before their 
union with the colony. Awed by the fuper- 
cilious behaviour of the commifTioners, they 
knew not at firfl how to ad: ; for to oppofe 
the king's authority was conflrued treafon, 
and it was faid that Sir Robert Carre had 
threatened a poor old man with death for no 
other crime than forbidding his grandchild 
to open a door to them. But when the ru- 
mour v/as fpread that a petition was drawn, 
and that Corbett was procuring fubfcribers, 
the people, no longer able to bear the abufe, 
earneftly applied to the general court, pray- 
ing " that in fbme orderly way they might 
" have an opportunity to clear themfelves of 
" fo great and unjuft afperfions, as were by 
*'this petition, drawn in their name, cafl 
" upon the government under which they 
" were fettled ; and alfo to manifefl their 
^^ fenfe of fuch perfidious a(5lions, left by their 
*' filence it fliould be concluded they were 
*' of the fame mind with thofe who framed 



9^2 HISTORY OJ? 

1665. " the petition." In confequence of this peti- 
tion the court commiffionedThomasDanforth, 
Eleazar Lulher, and Major General Leverett 
to enquire into the matter, and fettle the 
peace in thefe places according to their befl 
difc ration. 

October y. Thefe gentlemen came to Portfmouth, and 
having affembled the inhabitants, and pub- 
lifhed their commillion, they told them that 
they were informed of a petition fubicribed 
in behalf of that and the neighbouring towns, 
complaining of the government ; and deiir- 
ed them if they had any juft grievances to 
let them be known, and report fliould be 
immediately made to the general court. 
The next day they affembled the people of 
Dover and made the fame challenge. Both 
towns refpedlively protelled againft the pe^ 
tition, and profelTed full fatisfatlion with the 
goverment, vv^hich they lignified in addrefTes 
to the court. Dudley, the minifter of Exeter, 
certified under his hand to the committee, 
that the people of that town had no concern 
dire(5lly nor indiredlly with the obnoxious 
petition. They received alfo full fitisfaciion 
with regard to Hampton ; a certificate ot 
which might have been obtained, if they had 
thought it neceflary. 

They then proceeded to fummon Cv)rbet:: 
before them for feditious behaviour ; Jrat he 
eluded the fearch that was made for him, 
and they were obliged to leave a warrant 
with an officer to cite him to the court at 
Bofton. The commillioners had novv'- gone 
over into the province of Maine, from whence 
Sir Robert Carre in their name fent a fevere 
reprimand to this committee, forbidding 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 93 

them to proceed againft fuch perfons as had 166^^ 
fubfcribed the petition, and inclofing a copy 
of a letter which the faid commiflioners had 
written to the governor and council on the 
Jame fubjedl. 

The committee returned and reported their^ 
proceedings to the court, and about the fame 
time the commilfioners came from their eaft- 
ern tour to Bofton ; where the court defired 
a CO af ere ace wi:h them, but received fuch 
an aiifwer from Sir Robert Carre as deter- 
mined them not to repeat their requeft. A 
warrant was then ilTued by the fecretary, in 
the name of the whole court, to apprehend 
Corbett and bring him before the governor 
and magiftrates, " to anfwer for his tumultu- 
" ous and feditious practices againft the gov- 
" ernment." The next fpring he was feized iqqq 
and brought before them ; and after a full May 2». 
hearing was adjudged guilty of fedition, and 
exciting others to difcontent with the gov- 
ernment and laws, and of keeping a difor- 
derly houfe of entertainment, for which 
crimes he v/as fentenced to give a bond of 
one hundred pounds with fecurity for his 
peaceable behaviour and obedience to the 
laws ; he was prohibited retailing liquors ; 
difabled from bearing any office in the town 
or commonwealth, during the pleafure of the 
court ; and obliged to pay a fine of twenty 
pounds and five pounds for the cofts of his 
profecution. 

This feverity in vindication of their char- 
ter-rights they thought fit to temper with 
fomethi ng that had the appearance of fub- 
mlifioa to the royal commands. The king's Hutch. coJ. 
plcafiire had been fignified to the commif- ^^' ^^'' 



94 HISTORY OF 

1666* iloners, that the harbours fliould be fortified. 
This infkrudion came to hand while they 
were at Pafcataqua, and they immediately if- 
fiied warrants to the four towns, requiring 
them to meet at a time and place appointed 
to receive his majefly's orders. One of thefe 
warrants was fent by exprefs to Bofton, from 
whence two officers were difpatched by the 
gavernor and council to forbid the towns on 
their peril to meet, or obey the commands of 
tliie commiffioners. But by their own au-^ 
thority they ordered a committee to look out 
the moft convenient place for a fortification, 
upon whofe report " the neck of land on the 

Massa.Rec, « ^ailward of the Great Ifland, where a fmall 
" fort had been already built, was fequefler- 
*^ ed for the purpofe, taking in th^ Great 
**^Roek, and from thence all the eallerly part 
"of the fiid ifland." The court ofafTociates 
being impowered to hear and determine the 
claims of thofe who pretended any title to 
this land ; a claim was entered by George 
Walton, but rejedled ; and the appropriation 
confirmed. The cuftoms and impoils on 
goods imported into the harbour were appli- 
ed to the maintenance of the fort, and the 
trained bands of Great-Ifland and Kittery- 
Point were difcharged from all other duty to 
attend the fervice of it, under Richard Cutts, 
efq. who was appointed captain, 

The people of Maffachufetts have, both in 
former and latter times, been charged with 
disloyalty to the king in their conducl to- 
ward thefe commiffioners, and their difre- 
gard of authority derived from the fame 
feurce with their charter. To account for 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 95 

their condud on this occafion,we muft con- 1666, 
fider the ideas they had of their political con- 
nexion with the parent ftate. They had been 
forced from thence by perfecution ; they 
came at their own charges into a wildernefs, 
claimed indeed by tlie crown of England ; 
but really in poffefTion of its native lords ; 
from whom they had purchafed the foil and 
fovereignty, which gave them a title, confid- 
ered in a moral view, fuperior to' the grant of 
any European prince. For convenience on- 
ly, they had folicited and accepted a patent 
from the crown, which in their opinion con- 
ftituted the only bond of union between 
them and tlieir prince, by which the nature 
and extent of their allegiance to him was to 
be determined. This patent they regarded 
as a folemn compadl, wherein the king had 
granted them undifturbed pofleflion of the 
foil, and power of government within cer- 
tain limits ; on condition that they fliould 
fettle the country, chriftianize the natives, 
yield a fifth of all gold and filver mines to 
the crown, and make no laws repugnant to 
thofe of England. They had, on their part, 
facredly performed thefe conditions ; and 
therefore concluded that the grant of title, 
property and dominion which the crown had 
made to them was irrevocable. And although 
they acknowledged themfelves fubje^ts of the 
leigning prince, and owned a dependence 
on the royal authority ; yet they underflood 
it to be only through the medium of their 
charter. 

The appointment of commiflioners who 
were to adl within the fame limits, indepen- 
dently of this authority, and to receive ap- 



9& HISTORY OF 

1666. peals from it ; whofe rule of condudl was no 

eftabliihed law, but their own " good and 
found difcretion," was regarded as a danger- 
ous ftretch of royal power, militating with 
and fuperfeding their charter. If the royal 
authority was deflined to flow through the 
patent, it could not regularly be turned into 
another channel : if they were to be governed 
by laws made and executed by officers of their 
own choofing, they could not at the fame time 
be governed by the " difcretion" of nien in 
whofe appointment they had no voice, and 
over whom they had no control. Two ruling 
powers in the fame flate was a folecifm which 
they could not digeft. The patent was nei- 
ther forfeited nor revoked ; but the king had 
folemnly promifed to confirm it, and it fub- 
lifted in full force. The commiffion there- 
fore was deemed an ufurpation and infringe- 
ment of thofe chartered rights, which had 
been folemnly pledged on the one part, dear- 
^ ly purchafed and juftly paid for on the oth- 

er. They regarded " a royal donation under 
nutch. the great feal (toufe their own words) as the 
voi.*i.p^."^ grcateft fecurity that could be had in human 
affah-s ;" and they had confidence in the juf- 
tice of the fupreme ruler, that if they held 
what they in their confciences thought to be 
their rights, and performed the engagements 
by which they had acquired them, they 
Ihould enjoy the protecflion of his providence,* 

* " Keep to your patent. Your patent was a royal g^rant inriped ; and !•» 
"is instrnmentnlly your deieixe and security. Recede from tliat, one 
''way or the other, and you will expose yourselves to the wiatli of God and 
■'■ the nto^e of man. Fix upon the patent, and stand lor the liberties knd im- 
•' munities conferred upon you therein ; P-iid you have GOD and the Vh.v 
"with you, botii a good cause and a j^food interest : and may with f:cad coi: 
" science set your footaofginst any foot of pride and violence that shall con;e 
'"'u gainst you." Pjesident Oakes's Election .Sevir.on KC^ 



543 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ^t 

chough they iliould be obliged to abandon 1666* 
the country, which they had planted with fo 
much labour and expence, and feek a new 
fettlement in fome other part of the globe. 

Thefe were the principles which they had 
imbibed, which they openly avowed and on 
which they a<5led. Policy might have dictat- 
ed to them the fame flexibility of condu6l, 
and foftnefs of expreffion, by which the oth- 
er colonies on this occaiion gained the royal 
favour. But they had fo long held the fole 
and uninterrupted fovereignty, in which they 
had been indulged by the late popular gov- 
ernment in England ; and were fo fully con- 
vinced it was their right ; that they chofe 
rather to rifque the lofs of all, than to make 
any conceilions ; thereby expofing themfelves 
farther to the malice of their enemies and the 
vengeance of power. 

The commiflioners, having finilhed their 
buiinefs, were recalled by the order of the 
king, who was much difpleafed with the ill 
treatment they had received from the MaiTa- 
chufetts government, which was the more 
heinous, as the colonies of Plymouth, Rhode- 
Ifland and ConneClicut had treated the com- 
miffion with acknowledged refpe(5l. By a Hm!'h*J^ 
letter to the colony he commanded them to 5i7. 
fend over four or five agents, promifing " to 
" hear in perfon, all the allegations, fuggef- 
" tions, and pretences to right or favour, 
" that could be made on behalf of the colo- 
" ny," intimating that he was far from de- 
firing to invade their charter ; and com- 
manding tliat all things lliould remain as the - 
commlffioners had fettled them until his far- 
ther order ; and that thofe pcrfons who had 

N 



98 HISTORY OF 

1666. been imprifoned for petitioning or applying 
to them lliould be releafed. The court, how- 
ever, continued to exercife jurifdidlion, ap- 
point officers, and execute the laws In thefe 
towns as they had done for twenty-five years, 
to the general fatisfadlion of the people who 
were united with them in principles and af- 
fection. 

This afFe6lion was demonftrated by their 

1669. ready concurrence with the propofal for a 
general collection, for the purpofe of eredling 
a new brick building* at Harvard college, 
the old wooden one being fmall and decay- 
ed. The town of Portfmouth, which was 
now become the richeft, made a fubfcription 
of fixty pounds per annum for feven years ; 
and after five years paiTed a town vote to 

Harvard Carry this engagement into eflecft. Dover 

Col. Rec. gave thirty-two, and Exeter ten pounds for 
the fame laudable purpofe. ■> 

1671. The people of Portfmouth, having for 
fome time employed Jofliua Moody as a 
preacher among them, and ere6led a new meet- 
ing-houfe, proceeded to fettle him in regu- 
lar order. A church confifliiig of nine breth- 

ports. chh. ren f was firfl gathered ; then the general 

Records, ^ourt having been duly informed of it, and 
having fignified their approbation, according 
to the eftabliflied practice, Moody was or- 
dained in the prefence of Governor Leverett 
and feveral of the Magirtrates. 

1674. The whole attention of the government in 
England being at this time taken up with 

* This building' was erected in 1672, and consumed by fin- in 1 ?64. 
t " Joshua Moody, Samuel Ilaynes, 

John Ciitts, James Pendletoji, 

Kichard CuttP, John Fletcher, 

Richard Martyn, Jfhn Tucker. 

Itlias Stileman, 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 99 

things that more immediately concerned 1674* 
themfelves, nothing of moment relating to 
Mafon's interelT: was tranfa(5led. He became 
difcom'aged, and joined with the heirs of 
Gorges in propofing an alienation of their 
refpe6live rights in the provinces of New- 
Hampfliire and Maine to the Crown, to make 
a government for the Duke of Monmouth. 
The duke himfelf was greatly pleafed with 
the fcheme, as he had been told that an an- 
nual revenue of five thoufand pounds or 
more might be collected from thefe provinc- 
es. But by the more faithful reprefenta- Hutch. 

r r r i ii Collection 

tions oi lome perlons who were well ac- of Papers, 
quainted with the country, he was induced ^^*' *^^' 
to lay afide the projedl. Many complaints 
were made againft the government of Maf- 
fachufetts j and it was thought to be highly 
expedient that more fevere meafures fhould 
be ufed with them ; but the Dutch wars, and 
other foreign tranfactions, prevented any de- 
termination concerning them, till the coun- 
try was involved in all the horrors of a gen- 
eral war with the natives. 



Smith's 
Vovaofe. 



100 HISTORY Of 



CHAP. V. 

Bcvmrks on ike temper uv.d manners of the Ii dians. — Thcfirit 
(rmeral war r^iih them called Fhilip''& nvar-. 

At the time of the firft difcovery of 
the river Pafcataqua by Captain Smith, it 
was found that the native inhabitants of thefe 
parts differed not in language, manners, nor 
government, from their eaflern or weftern 
neighbours. Though they were divided in- 
to feveral tribes, each of Vs^hich had a diflindl 
fachem, yet they all ov/ned fubjedlion to a 
fovereign prince, called Baihaba, whofe refi- 
dence was fomewhere about Pemaquid. It 
was f'joa after found that the Tarratcens, who 
lived farther caftward, had invaded his coun- 
try, fur prized and ilain him, and all the peo- 
ple in his neighbourhood, and carried off his 
VN^onien, leaving no traces of his authority. 
Upon which the fubordinate fachems, hav- 
ing no head to unite them, and each one 
flriving for the pre-eminence,made war among 
themfelves ; whereby many of their people, 
and much of their proviGon were delLroyed. 
Goiges's When Sir Richard Hawkins vilited the coaft in 
i^Tj.' ^' 1615, this war was at it height ; and to this fuc- 
ceeded a pefdlence, which carried tliem off 
in fuch dumbers tliat the living were not 
able to bury the dead ; but their bones rc~ 
mained at the places of their habitations for 
'\m^h. feveral years. During this peftilence, Rich- 
ard Vines and feveral others, whom Sir Fer- 
dinando Gorges had hired, at a great ex- 
pence, to tarry in the country through the 
winter, lived among them and lodged m their 



NEW-HAMPSHIRB. 101 

cabbins, without receiving the leafl injury i^ 
their health, " not fo much as feeling their ^°^^il 
" heads to ache the whole time." - By 
fuch iingular means did divine providence 
prepare the way for the peaceable entrance 
of the Europeans into this land. 

When the firft fettlements were made, the 
remains of two tribes had their habitations 
on the feveral branches of the river Pafcata- 
qua ; one of their facliems lived at the falls 
of Squamfcot, and the other at thofe of Ne- 
wichwannock ; their head quarters being 
generally feated in places convenient for filh- 
ing. Both thefe, together with feveral inland 
tribes, who refided at Pantucket and Winni- 
pifeogee, acknowledged fubjedlion to Paffaco- 
naway the great fagamore of Pannukog, or 
(as it is commonly pronounced) Penacook. 
He excelled the other fachems in fagacity^ 
duplicity and moderation ; but his principal 
qualification wa-s his fkill in fome of the fe- 
cret operations of nature, which gave him 
the reputation of a forcerer, and extended 
his fame and influence among all the neigh- 
bouring tribes. They believed that it was 
in his power to make water burn, and trees 
dance, & to metamorphofe himfelf into flame ; ^rsl^ss- 
that in winter he could raife a green leaf voi. i. p^ 
from the aihes of a dry one, and a living fer- 
pent from the fl-dn of one shat was dead. 

An Englilli gentleman who had been 
much converfant among the Indians was in- 
vited, in 1660, to a great dance and feafl: ; 
on which occaiion the elderly men, in fongs 
or fpeeches recite their hifl:ories, and deliver 
their fentiments, and advice, to the younger. 
^\' this folemnity PaflTaconaway, being growii 



474. 



■ftubbard's 
printed 
Narrative, 
page 9. 31. 



102 HISTORY OF 

old, made his farewell fpeech to his children 
and people ; in which, as a dying man, he 
warned them to take heed how they quarrel- 
led with their Englifh neighbours ; for 
though they might do them fome damage, 
yet it would prove the means of their own 
deftrudlion. He told them that he had been 
a bitter enemy to the Englifh, and by the 
arts of forcery had tried his utmofh to hinder 
their fettlement and increafe ; but could by 
no means fucceed. This caution perhaps 
often repeated, had fuch an effect, that upon 
the breaking out of the Indian war fifteen 
years afterward, Wonolanfet, his fon and fuc- 
cefTor, withdrevsr himfelf and his people into 
fbme remote place, that they might not be 
drawn into the quarrel. 

While the Britifh nations had been dif- 
fracted with internal convulfions, and had 
endured the horrors of a civil war, produc- 
ed by the fame caufes which forced the plan- 
ters of New England to quit the land of their 
nativity ; this wildernefs had been to them 
a quiet habitation. They had flruggled 
vv4th many hardfliips ; but providence had 
fmiled upon their undertaking, their fettle- 
nients were extended and their churches 
multiplied. There had been no remarkable 
quarrel with the favages, except the fliort 
war with the Pequods, who dwelt in the 
fouth-eafl part of Connedlicut : They being 
totally fubdued in 1637, the dread and ter- 
ror of the Englifh kept the other nations 
quiet for near forty years. During which 
time the New- England colonies being con- 
federated for tbeir mutual defence, and for 
inaintaining the public peace, took great 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. lOS 

pains to propagate the gofpel among the na- 
tives, and bring them to a civilized way of 
living, which, with refpect to fome, proved 
effectual ; others refufed to receive the mif- 
fionaries, and remained obftinately prejudic- 
ed againll the Englifh. Yet the obje(fl of 
their hatred was at the fame time the objedl 
of their fear ; which led them to forbear 
adls of hoftility, and to preferve an outward 
ihew of friendfliip, to their mutual intereft. 
Our hiftorians have generally reprefented 
the Indians in a moll odious light, efpecially 
when recounting the efFedls of their feroci- 
ty. Dogs, caitiffs, mifcreants and hell-hounds, 
are the politeft names which have been given 
them by fome writers, who feem to be in a 
palTion at the mentioning their cruelties, and NarraTive* 
at other times fpeak of them with contempt. JJj^ , 
Whatever indulgence may be allowed to Magnaiia 
thofe who wrote in times when the mind 
was vexed with their recent depredations and 
inhumanities, it ill becomes us to cherifh an 
inveterate hatred of the unhappy natives. 
Religion teaches us a better temper, and pro- 
vidence has now put an end to the contro- 
verfy, by their almoft total extirpation. We 
fhould therefore proceed with calmnefs in 
recollecting their paft injuries, and forming 
our judgment of their character. 

It muft be acknowledged that human de- 
pravity appeared in thefe unhappy creatures 
in a moft Ihocking view. The principles of 
education and the refinements of civilized life 
either lay a check upon our vicious propen- 
fities, or difguife oar crimes ; but among 
them human wickednefs was fecn in its nak- 
ed deformity. Yet, bad as they were, it will 



104 HISTORY OF 

be difficult to find them guilty of any crime 
which cannot be paralleled among civilized 
nations. 

They are always defcribed as remarkably 
cruel ; and it cannot be denied that this dif^ 
pofition indulged to the greatefh excefs, 
llrongly marks their character. We are 
ilruck with horror, when we hear of their 
binding the vicftim to the ftake, biting off his 
nails, tearing out his hair by the roots, pul- 
ling out his tongue, boring out his eyes, 
flicking his fldn full of lighted pitch-wood, 
half roafting him at the fire, and then mak- 
ing him run for their diverfion, till he faints 
and dies under the blows which they give 
him on every part of his body. But is it not 
as dreadful to read of an unhappy wretch, 
fewed up in a fack full of ferpents and 
thrown into the fea, or broiled in a red hot 
iron chair ; or mangled by lions and tygers 
after having fpent his flrength to combat 
them for the diverfion of the fpedlators in 
an amphitheatre ? and yet thefe were pun- 
ifliments among the Romans in the politefl 
ages of the empire. What greater cruelty is 
there in the American tortures, than in con- 
fining a man in a trough, and daubing him 
with honey that he may be fi:ung to death by 
wafps and other venomous infe(5ls ; or flea- 
ing him alive and flretching out his fkin be- 
fore his eyes, which modes of punilhment 
were not inconfiflent with the foftnefs and 
elegance of the ancient court of Perfia ? or, 
to come down to modern times ; what great- 
er mifery can there be in the Indian execu- 
tions, than in racking a prifoner on a vfheel, 
and breaking his bones one by one with an 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 105 

iron bar ; or placing his legs in a boot and 
driving in wedges one after another ; which 
tortures are ftill, or have till lately been 
ufed in fome European kingdoms ? I forbear 
to name the torments of the inquifition, be- 
caufe they feem to be beyond the ilretch of 
human invention. If civilized nations, and 
thofe who profefs the mofl merciful religion 
that ever blefTed the world, have pradlifed 
thefe cruelties, what could be expedled of 
men who were ftrangers to every degree of 
refinement either civil or mental ? 

The Indians have been reprefented as re- 
vengeful. When any perfon was killed, the 
neareft relative thought himfelf bound to be 
the avenger of blood, and never left feeking, 
till he found an opportunity to execute his 
purpofe. Whether in a ftate, where govern- Numbers 
ment is confefTedly fb feeble as among them, 19. 
fuch a conduct is not juflifiable, and even ^"^T?" 
countenanced by the Jewifh law may deferve v. 12. 
our confideration. 

The treachery with which thefe people are 
juftly charged, is exadlly the fame difpofition 
which operates in the breach of folemn trea- 
ties made between nations which call them- 
felves chriftian. Can it be more criminal in 
an Indian, than in an European, not to think 
himfelf bound by promifes and oaths extort- 
ed from him when under durefs ? 

Th-QiY jealoufy and hatred of their Englilh 
neighbours may eafily be accounted for, if 
we allow them to have the fame feelings with 
ourfelves. How natural is it for us to form 
a difagreeable idea of a whole nation, from 
the bad condu(5l of fome individuals with 
whom v^e are acquainted ? and though others 
o 



106 HISTORY a 

of them may be of a different charader, yet 
will not that prudence which is efteemed a 
virtue, lead us to fufpe<5l the fairefl appear- 
ances, as ufed to cover the moft fraudulent 
defigns, efpecially if pains are taken by the 
moft politic among us, to foment fuch jeal- 
oufies to fubferve their own ambitious pur- 
pofes ? 

Though the greater part of the Englifh 
fettlers came hither with religious views, and 
fairly purchafed their lands of the Indians, 
yet it cannot be denied that fome, efpecially 
in the eaftern parts of New-England, had lu- 
crative views only ; and from the beginning 
ufed fraudulent methods in trade with them. 
Such things were indeed difallowed by the 
government, and would always have been 
punifhed if the Indians had made com- 
plaint : but they knew only the law of re- 
taliation, and when an injury was received, 
it was never forgotten till revenged. En- 
croachments made on their lands, and fraud 
committed in trade, afforded fuihcient 
grounds for a quarrel, though at ever fo 
great a length of time ; and kept alive a per- 
petual jealoufy of the like treatment again*. 
1675. Such was the temper of the Indians of 
New-England when the firft general war be- 
gan. It was thought by the Englifli in that 
day, that Philip, fachem of the Wompanoags, 
a crafty and afpiring man, partly by intrigue, 
and partly by example, excited them to fuch 

* Mons. du Pratz gives nearly the same account of the Indians on the 
Missisippi. " Tliere needs notliing bvit prudence and good sense to per- 
" suade these people to what is reasonable, and to preserve their iViendship 
" without interruption. We may safely affirm, that the differences we havt 
" had with them have been more owinj^ to tlie French than to them. When 
** they are treated insolently, or oppressively, tliey have no less sensibility o; 
" injuries tlian others." History of Loaisiana, lib. 4. cap. 3 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 107 

a general combination. He was the fon of 1675. 
MafTafToiec, the neareft fachem to the colony 
of Plymouth, with whom he had concluded 
a peace, which he maintained more through 
fear than good will, as long as he lived. His 
fon and immediate fucceflbr Alexander, pre- 
ferved the fame external fhew of rriendfhip ; 
but died with choler on being detected in a 
plot againfh them. Philip, it is faidjdiffembled 
his hofliie purpofes ; he was ready, on every 
fufpicion of his infidelity, to renew his fub* 
million, and teftify it even by the delivery 
of his arms, till he had fecretly infufed a 
cruel jealoufy into many of the neighbour- 
ing Indians ; which excited them to attempt 
the recovering their country by extirpating 
the nevsT poffeflbrs. The plot, it is faid, was 
difcovered before it was ripe for execution ; 
and as he could no longer promife himfelf 
fecurity under the maili of friendfhip, he was 
conftrained to fhew himfelf in his true char^ 
acfler, and accordingly began hoftilities upon 
the plantation of Swanzy, in the colony of 
Plymouth, in the month of June 1675. 

Notwithftanding this general opinion, it 
may admit of fome doubt, whether a fingle • 
fachem, whofe authority was limited, could 
have fuch an extenlive influence over tribes 
fo remote and unconnedled with him as the 
eaitern Indians ; much more improbable is 
it, that thofe in Virginia fhould have joined 
in the confederacy, as it hath been intimated. 
The Indians never travelled to any greater ^^^i^g**^ 
diflance than their hvmting required ; and page 12. ' 
fo ignorant were they of the geography of 
their country, that they imagined New-Eng- Hist, n.e 
land to be an ifland, and could tell the napfie "^''' '^^^ 



108 HISTORY Of 

1675. of an inlet or ftreight by which they fup- 
pofed it was feparated from the main land* 
But what renders it more improbable that 
Philip was fo a(5live an inftrument in excit- 
ing this war, is the conftant tradition among 
the pofterity of thofe people who lived near 
him, and were familiarly converfant with 
him, and with thofe of his Indians who fur- 
vived the war : which is, that he was forced 
on by the fury of his young men, forely 
againfl his own judgment and that of his 
chief counfellors ; and that as he forefaw 
that the Englifli would, in time, eftablifti 
themfelves and extirpate the Indians, fo he 
thought that the making war upon them 
would only haflen the deftru<5lion of his own 
people. It was alw^ays a very common, and 
fometimes a juft excufe with the Indians, 
when charged with breach of faith, that 
the old men were not able to reftrain the 
younger from fignalizing their valour, and 
gratifying their revenge, though they difap- 
proved their rafhnefs. This want of reftraint 
was owing to the weaknefs of their govern-^ 
ment ; their fachems having but the Ihadow 
of magiftratical authority. 

caiiender's The inhabitants of Briftol fhew a particu- 
lar fpot where Philip received the news of 
the firft Englifhmen that were killed, with 
fo much forrow as to caufe him to weep ; a few 
days before which he had refci'ied one who 
had been taken by his Indians, and privately 
fent him home. Whatever credit may be 
given to this account, fo different from the 
current opinion, it muft he owned, that in 
fuch a feafon of general confafion as the firlt 
war occafioncd, fear and jealouly might 



Century 
?prn;Qn, p. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRI. 109 

create many fufpicions, which would foon 1675. 
be formed into reports of a general confede- 
racy, through Philip's contrivance ; and it is 
to be noted that the principal hiftories of 
this war, [Increafe Mather's and Hubbard's] 
were printed in 1676 and 1677, when the 
ftrangeft reports were eafily credited, and the 
people were ready to believe every thing 
that was bad of fo formidable a neighbour 
as Philip. But as the facfl cannot now be 
precifely afcertained, I ihall detain the reader 
no longer from the real caufes of the war in 
thefe e after n parts. 

There dwelled near the river Saco a far ^o'g^S 
chem named Squando, a noted enthufiaft, a 
leader in the devotions of their religion, and 
one that pretended to a familiar intercourfe 
with the invifible world. Thefe qualifica- 
tions rendered him a perfon of the higheft 
dignity, importance and influence among all 
the eaftern Indians. His fquaw pafling a- 
long the river in a canoe, with her infant 
child, was met by fome rude failors, who ha- 
ving heard that the Indian children could 
fwim as naturally as the young of the brutal 
kind, in a thoughtlefs and unguarded hu- 
mour overfet the canoe. The child funk, and 
the mother inftantly diving fetched it up 
alive, but the child dying foon after, its 
death was imputed to the treatment it had 
received from the feamen ; and Squando 
was jfo provoked that he conceived a bitter 
antipathy to the Englifh, and employed his 
great art and influence to excite the Indians 
againft them. Some other injuries were al- 
ledged as the ground of the quarrel ; and, Libf?^]^ 
coniidcring the interefted views and irregu- ^^' 



110 HISTORY OI 

1675, gular lives of many of the eaftern fettlers, 
their diftance from the feat of government, 
and the want of due fubordination among 
them, it is not improbable that a great part 
of the blame of the eaftern war belonged to 
them. 

The firft alarm of the war in Plymouth 
colony fpread great confternation among 
the diftant Indians, and held them a while 
in fufpence what part to acl ; for there had 
been a long external friendfliip fubfifting 
between them and the Englifh, and they 
were afraid of provoking fo powerful neigh- 
bours. But the feeds of jealoufy and hatred 
had been fo effecflually fown, that the crafty 
and revengeful, and thofe who were ambi- 
tious of doing fome exploits, foon found 
means to urge them on to an open rupture ; 
fo that within twenty days after Philip had 
begun the war at the fouthward, the flame 
Bubtard, broke out in the moft northeafterly part of 
the country, at the diftance of two hundred 
miles. 

The Englifli inhabitants about the river 
Kennebeck, hearing of the infurrecSlion in 
Plymouth colony, determined to make trial 
of the. fidelity of their Indian neighbours, by 
requefting them to deliver their arms. They 
made a fliew of compliance ; but in doing 
it, committed an a<5l of violence on a French- 
man, who lived in an Englifti family ; which 
being judged an offence, both by the Eng- 
lifh and the elder Indians, the offender was 
leized ; but upon a promife, with fecurity, 
for his future good behaviour, his life wa:^ 
fpared, and fome of them confented to re 



'J^EW-HAMPSHIRE. Ill 

main as hoflages ; who foon made their 1675. 
efcape, and joined with their fellows in rob- 
bing the houfe of Purchas, an ancient plan- 
ter at Pechypfcot. 

The quarrel being thus begun, and their 
natural hatred of the Englifh, and jealoufy 
of their defigns, having rifen to a great height 
under the malignant influence of Squando 
and other leading men ; and being encourag- 
ed by the example of the weftern Indians, 
who were daily making depredations on the 
colonies of Plymouth, and MafTachufetts ; 
they took every opportunity to rob and mur- 
der the people in the fcattered fettlements of 
the province of Maine ; and having difperf- 
ed themfelves into many fmall parties, that 
they might be the more extenfively mif- 
chievous, in the month of September they 
approached the plantations at Pafcataqua, and 
made their firft onfet at Oyfter river then a 
part of the town of Dover, but now Durham. 
Here they burned two houfes belonging to ^1^^^^^^ 
two perfons named Chefley, killed two men page 18^^ 
in a canoe, and carried away two captives ; 
both of whom foon after made their efcape. 
About the fame time a party of four laid in 
ambulh near the road between Exeter and 
Hampton, where they killed one, and took 
another, who made his efcape. Within a 
few days an allkult was made on the houfe 
of one Tozer at Newichwannock, wherein 
were fifteen women and children, all of 
whom, except two, were faved by the intre- 
pidity of a girl of eighteen. She firfl feeing 
the Indians as they advanced to the houfe, 
lliut the door and flood againfl it, till the 
others efcaped to the next houfe, which wa§ 



112 HISTORY OF 

1675. better fecured. The Indians chopped the 
door to pieces with their hatchets, and then 
entering, they knocked her down, and leav- 
ing her for dead, went in purfuit of the 
others, of whom, two children, who could 
not get over the fence, fell into their hands. 
The adventurous heroine recovered, and was 
perfectly healed of her wound. 

The two following days they made feveral 
appearances on both iides of the river, uiing 
much infolence, and burning two houfes and 
three barns, with a large quantity of grain. 
Some fliot were exchanged without efFecft, and 
a purfuit was made after them into the woods 
by eight men, but night obliged them to re- 
turn without fuccefs. Five or fix houfes 
were burned at Oyfter river, and two more 
men killed. Thefe daily infults could not 
be borne without indignation and reprifal. 
About twenty young men, chiefly of Dover, 
obtained leave of Major Waldron, then com- 

Hubbard i^^uder of the militia, to try their fkill and 
courage with the Indians in their own way. 
Having fcattered themfelves in the woods, a 
fmall party of them difcovered five Indians 
in a field near a deferted houfe, fome of 
whom were gathering corn, and others kind- 
ling a fire to roafh it. The men were at fuch 
a diftance from th^ir fellows that they could 
make no fignal to them without danger of a 
difcovery ; two of them, therefore, crept along 
filently, near to the houfe, from whence they 
, . fuddenly ruilied upon thofe two Indians, 
who were bufy at the fire, and knocked them 
down with the butts of their guns ; the 
other three took the alarm and efcapefi 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 113 

All the plantations at Pafcataqua, with the 1675. 
whole eaftern country, were now filled with 
fear and confniion : Bufinefs was fufpended, 
and every inan was obliged to * provide for 
his own and his family's fafety. The only 
way was to defert their habitations, and re- 
tire together within the larger and more con- 
venient houfes, which they fortified with a 
timber v^rajl and flankarts, placing a centry- 
box on the roof. Thi\s the labour of the 
field was exchanged for the duty of the gar- 
rifon, and they who had long lived in peace 
and fecurity were upon their guard night 
and day, fubjedl to continual alarms, and 
the moll fearful apprehenfions. 

The feventh of Ocftober was obferved as a 
day of fafling and prayer ; and on the fix- 
teenth the enemy made an affault upon the 
inhabitants at Salmon-falls, in Berwick. 
Lieutenant Roger Plaifted, being a man of 
true courage and of a public fpirit, immedi- 
ately fent out a party of feven from his gar- 
rifon to make difcovery. They fell into an 
ambufh ; three were killed, and the reft re- 
treated. The Lieutenant then difpatched an 
exprefs to Major Waldron and Lieutenant 
CofKn at Cochecho, begging m.oft importu- 
nately for help, which they were in no ca- 
pacity to afford, confidently with their own 
fafety. The next day Plaifled ventured out 
with twenty men, and a cart to fetch the dead 
bodies of their friends, and unhappily fell 
into another ambufh. The cattle affrighted 
ran back, and Plaifled being deferted by his 
men, and difdaining either to yield or fly, 
was killed on the fpot, with his eldeft fon 

and one more : his other fon died of his 
P 



114 HISTORY OF 

1675. wound in a few weeks. Had tlie lieroifm 
of this worthy family been imitated by the 
reft of the party, and a reinforcement arriv- 
ed in feafon, the enemy might have received 
fuch a fevere check as would have prevented 
them from appearing in fmall parties. The 
gallant behaviour of Plaifted, though fatal to 
himfelf and his fons, had this good effedl, 
Hubbard, that the enemy retreated to the woods ; and 
p. 24. ^i^Q next day Captain Froft came up with a 
party from Sturgeon creek, and peaceably 
buried the dead : But before the month had 
expired a mill was burned there, and an af- 
fault made on Froft's garrifon, who though 
he had only three boys with him, kept up a 
conftant fire, and called aloud as if he were 
commanding a body of men, to march here 
and fire there : the ftratagem fucceeded, and 
the houfe was faved. The enemy then pro- 
ceeded down the river, killing and plunder- 
ing as they found people off their guard, till 
they came oppofite to Portfmouth ; from 
whence fome cannon being fired they dif- 
perfed, and were purfued by the help of a* 
light fnow which fell in the night, and were 
overtaken by the fide of a fwamp, into which 
they threw themfelves, leaving their packs 
and plunder to the purfuers. They foon af- 
ter did more mifchief at Dover, -Lamprey 
river and Exeter ; and with thefe fmall, but 
irritating af faults and fkirmiflies, the autumn 
was fpent until the end of November ; when 
the number of people killed and taken from 
Kennebeck to Pafcataqua amounted to up- 
wards of fifty. 

The Mallachufetts government being ful- 
ly employed in defendhig the fouthern and 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 115 

weftern parts, could not feafonably fend fuc- 1675. 
cours to the eaftward. Major General Deni- 
fon, who commanded the militia of the colo- 
ny, had ordered the majors who commanded 
the regiments on this fide of the country, to 
draw out a fufficient number of men to re- 
duce the enemy, by attacking them at their 
retreat to their head-quarters at OfTapy and 
Pigwacket. But the winter fetting in early 
and fiercely, and the men being unprovided 
with rackets to travel on the fnow, which by 
the tenth of December was four feet deep in 
the woods, it was impollible to execute the 
defign. This peculiar feverity of the feafon 
however proved favourable. The Indians 
were pinched with famine, and having loft 
by their own confeflion about ninety of their 
number, partly by the war, and partly 
for want of food, they were reduced to the 
neceflity of fuing for peace. With this view 
they came to Major Waldron, expreiling 
great forrow for what had been done, and 
promifing to be quiet and fubmiffive. By 
his mediation a peace was concluded with 
the whole body of eaftern Indians, which 
continued till the next Auguft ; and might 
have continued longer, if the inhabitants of 
the eaftern parts had not been too intent on 
private gain, and of a difpofition too ungov- 
ernable to be a barrier againft an enemy fb 
writable and vindictive. The reftoration of 
the captives made the peace more pleafant : 
A return from the dead could not be more 
welcome than a deliverance from Indian cap-^ 
rivity. 

The war at the fouthward, though renew- i ^p^^^ 
^(^ in the fprkig, drew toward a clofe. Philip's 



p. 44 



116 - HISTORY OF 

1676. afFairs were defperate ; many of his allie.*r 
and dependents forfook him ; and in the 
churdi's nionth of Augufl he was flain by a party 
Memoirs, under Captain Church. Thofe weftern In 
dians who had been engaged in the war, now 
fearing a total extirpation, endeavoured to 
conceal themfelves among their brethren of 
Penacook who had not joined in the war, 
and with thofe of OfTapy and Pigwacket who 
had made peace. But they could not fo dif- 
guife themfelves or their behaviour as to 
efcape the difcernment of thofe who had 
been converfant with Indians. Several of 
them were taken at different times and de- 
livered up to public execution. Three of 
them, Simon, Andrew and Peter, who had 
been concerned in killing Thomas Kimbal 
of Bradford, and captivating his family, did, 
within fix weeks voluntarily relfore the 
woman and five children. It being doubted 
whether this a6l of fubmiffion was a fufhcient 
atonement for the murder, they were com- 
mitted to Dover prifon till their cafe could 
be confidered. Fearing that this confine- 
ment was a prelude to farther puniihment, 
they broke out of prifon, and going to the 
eaftward, joined with the Indians of Kenne- 
Leck and Amorifcogin in thole depredations 
which they renewed on the inhabitants of 
thofe parts, in Auguil, and were afterward 
adlive in dillrefhng the people of Pafcataqui^. 
This renewal of hoftilities occafioned the 
lending of two compaiiiey to the eaftward 
under Captain Jofeph By 11, and Captain Wil- 
liam Plawthorne. In the courfi of their 
march they came to Cochecho, on the lixth 
o£ September, wliere four hundred mixed 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 117 

Indians were met at the houfe of Major 1676. 
Waldron, with whom they had made the 
peace, and whom they confidered as their 
friend and father. The two captains would 
have fallen upon them at once, having it in 
their orders to feize all Indians, who had 
been concerned in the war. The major dif- 
fuaded them from that purpofe, and contriv- 
ed the following flratagem. He propofed 
to the Indians, to have a training the next 
day, and a Iham fight after the Englifh 
mode ; and fummoning his own men, with 
thofe under Capt. Frofl of Kittery, they, in 
conjunction with the two companies, formed 
one party, and the Indians another. Having 
diverted them a while in this manner, and 
caufed the Indians to fire the firft volley ; 
by a peculiar dexterity, the whole body of 
them (except two or three) were furrounded> 
before they could form a fufpicion of what 
was intended. They were immediately feiz- 
ed and difarmed, without the lofs of a man 
on either fide. A feparation was then made * 
Wonolanfet, with the Penacook Indians, and 
others who had joined in making peace the 
winter before, were peaceably difmilfed ; but 
the ftrange Indians, (as they were called) 
who had iied from the fouthward and taken 
refuge among them, were made prifoners, to 
the number of two hundred ; and being fent 
to Boflon, feven or eight of them, who were 
known to have killed any Engliflimen, were 
condemned and hanged ; the reft were fold 
into fiavery in foreign parts. 

This action was highly applauded by 
the general voice of the colony ; as it gave 
them opportunity to deal with their enemies 



118 HISTORY Of 

1676. in a judicial way, as rebels, and, as they 
imagined, to extirpate thofe troublefome 
neighbours. The remaining Indians, how- 
ever, looked upon the condvi6l of Major 
Waldron as a breach of faith ; inafmuch as 
they had taken thofe fugitive Indians under 
their protection, and had made peace with 
him, which had been ftridtly obferved with 
regard to him and his neighbours, though it 
had. been broken elfewhere. The Indians 
had no idea of the fame government being 
extended very far, and thought they might 
make peace in one place, and war in anoth- 
er, without any imputation of infidelity ; 
but a breach of hofpitality and friendfhip, as 
they deemed this to be, merited, according 
to their principles, a fevere revenge, and was 
never to be forgotten or forgiven. The. 
major's fituation on this occafion was indeed 
extremely critical ; and he could not have 
a(5led either way without blame. It is faid 
that his own judgment was againfl any 
forcible meafure, as he knew that many of 
thofe Indians were true friends to the colo- 
ny ; and that in cafe of failure he Ihould ex- 
pofe the country to their refentment ; but 
had he not aififted the forces in the execu- 
tion of their commiilion, (which was to feize 
all Indians who had been concerned with 
Philip in the war) he mufl have fallen under 
cenfure, and been deemed acceffary, by his 
negleCl, to the mifchiefs v;hich might after- 
ward have been perpetrated by them. In 
this dilemma he finally determined to com- 
ply with the orders and expedlations of gov- 
ernment ; imagining that he fliould be able 
Xo iatisfv thofe of the Indians whom he in- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 119 

tended to difmiis, and that the others would 1676. 
be removed ont of the way of doing any fur- 
ther niifchief ; but he had no fufpicion that 
he was laying a fnare for his own life. It 
was unhappy for him, that he was obliged 
in deference to the laws of his country, and 
the orders of government, to give offence to 
a people who, having no public judicatories 
and penal laws among themfelves, were una- 
ble to diflinguifli between a legal punifhment 
and private malice*. 

Two days after this furprifal, the forces 
proceeded on their route to the eaftward, 
being joined with fome of Waldron's and 
Froft's men ; and taking with them Blind 
Will, a fagamore of the Indians who lived 
about Cochecho, and eight of his people for 
pilots. The eaftern fettlements were all ei- 
ther deflroyed or deferted, and no enemy was 
to be feen ; fo that the expedition proved 
fruitlefs, and the companies returned to Paf^ 
cataqua. 

It was then thought advifeable, that they 
fhould march up toward the Oflapy ponds ; 
where the Indians had a ftrong fort of tim- 
ber fourteen feet high, with flankarts ; which 
they had a few years before hired fome Eng- 
lifh carpenters to build for them, as a de- 
fence againft the Mohawks, of whom they 
were always afraid. It was thought that if 
the Indians could be furprized on their firft 
return to their head-quarters, at the begin- 

* The above account of the seizure of the Indians is given from the most 
authentic and credible tradition that could be obtained within the last sixteen 
years, from tlie posterity of those persons who were concerned in the ailair. 
It is but just mentioned by Hubbard and Mather, and not in connexion with 
Its consequences. Neal, for want of better information, has given a wrong 
turn to the relation, and so l»as Wynne, who copies from him. Hutchinsoii 
has not mentioned it at all. 



1:20 HISTORY OF 

1676. ning of winter, fome confiderable advantage 
might be gained againft them ; or if they had 
not arrived there, that the provifions, which 
they had laid in for their winter fubliftence, 
might be deftroyed. Accordingly, the com- 
panies being w^ell pi'ovided for a march at 

1; that feafon, fet off on the firft of November ; 

and after travelling four days through a rug- 
ged, mountainous wildernefs, and crofTmg 
feveral rivers, they arrived at the fpot ; but 
found the fort and adjacent places entirely 
deferted, and faw not an Indian in all the way. 
Thinking it needlefs for the wdiole body to 
go further, the weather being fevere, and 
the fnow deep, a feledl party was detached 
eighteen or twenty miles above ; who difcov- 
ered nothing but frozen ponds, and fnowy 
mountains ; and fuppofing the Indians had 
taken up their winter quarters nearer the 
fea, they returned to Newichwannock, with?- 
in nine days from cneir firfl departure. 

They had been pr .mpted to undertake this 
expedition by the faife accounts brought by 
Mogg, an Indian of Penobfcot, who had 
come in to Pafcataqua, with a propofal of 
peace ; and had reported that an hundred In- 
dians were ailembled at OiTapy. This Indian 
brought with him two men of Portfmouth, 
Fryer and Kendal, who had been taken on 
board a veffel at the eaflward ; he w^as de- 
puted by the Penobfcot tribe to confent to 
articles of pacification ; and being fent to 
Boflon, a treaty was drawn and fubfcribed 
by the governor and magi Urates on the one 
part, and by Mogg on the other ; in which 
it was flipulated, that if the Indians of the 
other tribes did not agree to this tranfac^ion, 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ' 121 

and ceafe hoflilities, they ihould be deemed 167^» 
and treated as enemies by both parties. This 
treaty was iigned on the fixth of November ; 
Mogg pledging his life for the fulfilment of 
it. Accordingly, veffels being fent to Pe- 
nobfcot, the peace was ratified by Madoka- 
wando the fachem, and two captives were re- 
flored. But Mogg, being incautioufly per- 
*niittcd to go to a neighbouring tribe, on pre- 
tence of perfuading them to deliver their 
captives, though he promifed to return in 
three days, was feen no more. It was at firft 
thought that he had been facrificed by his 
countrymen, as he pretended to fear when he 
left the velTels ; but a captive -who efcaped 
in January gave a different account of him ; 1677. 
that he boafled of having deceived the Eng- 
lifh, and laughed at their kind entertainment 
of him. There was alfo a defign talked of 
among them to break the peace in the fpring, 
and join with the other Indians at the eaft- 
ward in ruining the fifhery. About the fame 
time it was difcovered that fome of the Narr- 
haganfet Indians were fcattered in the eaft- 
ern parts ; three of them having been decoy- 
ed by fome of the Cochecho Indians into their 
wigwams, and fcalped, were known by the 
cut of their hair. This raifed a fear in the 
minds of the people, that more of them 
might have found their way to the eaflward, 
and would profecute their revenge againft 
them. 

From thefe circumftances it was fufpedled, 
that the truce would be but of fhort continvi- 
ance. The treachery of Mogg, who was fure- 
ty for the performance of the treaty, was 
deemed a full juftification of the renewal of 
Q 



122 HISTORY Of 

1677. hoftilities ; and the ftate of things was, by 
fome gentlemen of Pafcataqua, reprefented 
to be fo dangerous, that the government de- 
termined upon a winter expedition. Two 
hundred men, including fixty Natick Indians, 
were enlifted and equipped, and failed from 
Boflon the firft week in February, under the 
command of Major Waldron ; a day of prayer 
having been previovilly appointed for the 
fuccefs of the enterprize. 

At Cafco the major had afruitlefs confer- 
ence, and a flight fkirmilh with a few Indians, 
of whom fome were killed and wounded. 
At Kennebeck he built a fort, and left a gar- 
rifon of forty men, under the command of 
Captain Sylvanus Davis. At Pemaquid he 
had a conference with a company of Indians, 
who promifed to deliver their captives on the 
payment of a ranfom : Part of it being paid, 
three captives were delivered, and it was 
agreed that the conference lliould be renew- 
ed in the afternoon, and all arms be laid afide. 
Some fufpicion of their infidelity had arifen, 
and when the major went alliore in the af- 
ternoon with five men, and the remainder 
of the ranfom, he difcovered the point of a 
lance hid under a board, which he drew out 
and advanced with it toward them ; charg- 
ing them with treachery in concealing their 
arms fo near. They attempted to take it 
from him by force ; but he threatened them 
with inftant death, and waved his cap for a 
{ignal to the vefiTels. While the reft were 
coming on fliore, the m.ajor with his five men 
fecured the goods : Some of the Indiant^ 
fnatching up a bundle of guns which they 
had hid, ran away : Captain Froft, who was 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 12$ 

one of the five, feized an Indian, who was 1677. 
well known to be a rogue, and with Lieuten- 
ant Nutter, carried him on board. The ma- 
jor fearching about found three guns, with 
which he armed his remaining three men ; 
and the reft being come on fhore by this time, 
they purfued the Indians, killed feveral of 
them before they could recover their canoes, 
and after they had pufhed off, funk one with , 
five men, who were drowned ; and took four 
prifoners, with about a thoufand pounds of 
dried beef, and fome other plunder. The 
whole number of the Indians was twenty- 
five. 

Whether the cafual difcovery of their arms, 
which they had agreed to lay afide, was fuf- 
ficient to juftify this feverity, may be doubt- 
ed ; iince, if their intentions had really been 
hoflile, they had a fine opportunity of am* 
bufhing or feizing the major and his five at- 
tendants, who came afhore unarmed ; and it 
is not likely that they would have waited 
for the reft to come afliore before they open- 
ed the plot. Poflibly, this fudden fufpicion 
might be groundlefs, and might inflame the 
prejudice againft the major, which had been 
already excited by the feizure of their friend§ 
at Cochecho fome time before. 

On the return of the forces, they found 
fome wheat, guns, anchors and boards at 
Kennebeck, which they took with them. 
They killed two Indians on Arrowfick Ifland, 
who, with one of the prifoners taken at Pe-^ 
maquid, and fliot on board, made the num- 
ber of Indians killed in this expedition 
thirteen. They returned to Bofton on the 
eleventh of March, without the lofs of a man, 



1^4 HISTORY Of 

1677. bringing with them the bones of Captain 
Lake, which they found entire in the place 
where he was killed*. 

There being no profpedl of peace at the 
eaftward, it became necefTary to maintaii^ 
great circumfpedlion and refolution, and to 
make ttfe of every poflible advantage againft 
the enemy. A long and inveterate animofi- 
ty had fubfifled between the Mohawks and 
the eaftern Indians, the original of which is 
not mentioned, and perhaps was not knoWn 
*by any df our hifborians ; nor can the oldefl 
men among the Mohawks at this day give 
any account of it. Thefe Indians were in ^ 
ftate of friendlhip with their Englifh neigh- 
bours ; and being a fierce and formidable 
"" race of men, their name carried terror where 
cv€r it was known. It '^vas now thoughtj 
that if they could be induced to profecute 
their ancient quarrel with the eaftern Indi- 
ans, the latter might be awed into peace, or 
incapaciated for any farther mifchief. The 
propriety of this meafure became a fubje<5l 
of debate ; fome queftioning the lawfulnefs 
of making ufe of their help, " as they were 
heathen ;" but it was urged in reply, that 
Abraham had entered into a confederacy 
with the Amorites, among whom he dwel- 
led, and made ufe of their aihftance in re- 
covering his kinfinan Lot from the h;inds of 
their common enemy. AVith this argu- 
ment the objecflors were fatisfied ; and two 
meffengers, Major Pynchon of Springfield, 

* liere tnds Hubbard's printed Narrative. Tne account of tlic remaindev 
of this war is tciken from liis MS hlstorj-, frcni sundry orig^ina! letters, and 
copits cf letters, and Irom a MS jo'.irnal found in Prince's collection, and 

y supposcil lo V.uvc bi .Ti vvrittfr.'b;- C..[it.-iin La-A's'ic^ lli'.nraond of Cbaries 



GenesiG. 
clinp. 14 



NEW-HAMPSHIRIE. 125 

and Richards of Hartford were difpatched 1677. 
to the country of the Mohawks ; who treat- 
ed them with great civility, expreffed the 
moft bitter hatred againft the eaftern enemy, ^^^^-2. 
and promifed to purfue the quarrel to the ry- 
utmoll of their power. 

Accordingly fome parties of them came 
down the country about the middle of March, 
and the firft alarm was given at Amufkeeg 
falls ; where the fon of Wonolanfet being 
hunting, difcovered fifteen Indians on the 
other lide, who called to him in a language 
which he did not underfland ; upon which 
he fled, while they fired near thirty guns at 
him without efFedl. Prefently after this they 
were difcovered in the woods near Cochecho. 
Major Waldron fent out eight of his Indians 
whereof Blind Will was one, for farther in- 
formation. They were all furprized togeth- ms jour-- 
er by a company of the Mohawks ; two or 30; 
three efcaped, the others were either killed 
or taken : Will was dragged away by his 
hair ; and being wounded, perifhed in the ^ 
woods, on a neck of land, formed by the con- 
fluence of Cochecho and Ifing-glafs rivers, 
which flill bears the name of Blind Will's 
Neck. This fellow was judged to be a fecret 
enemy to the Englifli, though he pretended 
much friendflilp and refpecfl ; fo that it was 
impofliblc to have puniflied him, without 
provoking the other neighbouring Indians, 
with whom he lived in amity, and of whofe 
fidelity there was no fufpicion. It was at firfl: Hubbard's 

1 i r • CL 11 MS Hisr 

thougnt a lortunate circumitance that he was 
killed in this manner ; but the confequence 
proved it to be otherwife ; for two of thofe 
vvlio were taken with him efcaping, reported 



126 ' HISTORY OF 

1677. that the Mohawks threatened deftrudtion ta 
MS Jour- ^^^ ^^^ Indians in thefe parts without dif- 
naj. tincflion : So that thofe who lived in fubjec- 

tion to the Englifli grew jealous of their fin- 
cerity, and imagined, not without very plau^ 
fible ground, that the Mohawks had been 
perfuaded or hired to engage in the war, on 
purpofe to deflroy them ; fince they never 
adlually exercifed their fury upon thofe In- 
dians who were in hoftility with the Englilh, 
but only upon thofe who were in friendfhip 
with them ; and this only in fuch a degree 
as to irritate, rather than to weaken or dif- 
trefs them. It cannot therefore be thought 
ftrange that the friendly Indians were alien- 
ated from their Engliih neighbours, and dif- 
pofed to liften to the feducing ftratagems of 
the French ; who in a few years after made 
ufe of them in conjundlion with others, fore- 
ly to fcourge thefe unhappy people. The 
Englifli, in reality, had no luch defign ; but 
the event proved, that the fcheme of engag- 
ing the Mohawks in our quarrel, however 
lawful in itfelf, and countenanced by the ex- 
ample of Abraham, was a pernicious fource 
of innumerable calamities. 

The terror which it was thought this in- 
curfion of the Mohawks would ftrike into the 
eaitern Indians was too fmall to prevent their 
j'cnewing hoftilities very early in the fpring. 
Some of the garrifon who had been left at 
Kennebeck were furprifed by an ambulh, as 
they were attempting to bury the dead bodies 
of their friends, who had been killed the 
summer before, and had lain under thefnow 
??'''''' 3.11 winter. The remainder of that garrifon 
were then taken off and conveyed to Pafcata-- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 127 

t|Ua ; whither a company of fifty men and 1677. 

ten Natick Indians marched, under Captain 
Swaine, to fucconr the inhabitants, who were 
alarmed by fcattered parties of the enemy, 
killing and taking people, and burning houf- 
es in Wells, Kittery, and within the bounds 
of Portfmouth*. A young woman who was 
taken from Rawling's houfe, made her ef- 
cape and came into Cochecho, informing 
where the enemy lay : Three parties were ^p"^^- 
difpatched to ambufh three places, by one of 
which they muft pafs : The eneiny appear- 
ing at one of thefe places, were feafonably 
difcovered ; but by the too great eagernefs of 
the party to fire on them, they avoided the 
ambulh and efcaped. 

Soon after this the garrifons at Wells and 
Black Point were befet, and at the latter place 
the enemy loft their leader Mogg, who had 
proved fo treacherous a negotiator. Upon 
his death they fled in their canoes, fome to 
the eaftward and others toward York, where 
they alfo did fome mifchief. On a fabbath May 97. 
morning, a party of twenty, under the guid- 
ance of Simon, furprized fix of our Indians, 
who lay drunk in the woods, at a fmall dis- 
tance from Portfmouth ; they kept all day 
hovering about the town, and if they had 
taken advantage of the people's abfence from 
home, in ^attending the public worfhip, they 
might eafily have plundered and burned the 
outmoft houfes ; but they were providential- ms Lett» 
ly reftrained. At night they croffed the riv- m^Jj.. 

* The following' extract from the before mentioned Journal, shews some- 
lliing of the spirit of the times. 

" April 16. Tlie house of John Keniston was burnt and he killed at 
* Greenland. The Indians are Simon, Andrew and Peter, those three wc 
had in prision, and should have killed. The good Lord pardon us." 



12S. HISTORY OF 

1677, er at the Long Reach, killed fome fheep a«e: 
Kittery, and then went toward Wells ; but, 
bemg afraid of the Mohawks, let their prif- 
oners go. Four men were foon after killed 
at North Hill, one of whom was Edward 
Cokott, whofe death was much regretted. 

More mifchief being expedled, and the 
eaftern fettlements needing affiftance, the 
government ordered two hundred Indians of 
Natick, with forty Englifli foldiers, under 
Captain Benjamin Swett of Hampton, and 
Lieutenant Richardfon, to march to the falls 
of Taconick on Kennebeck river ; where it. 
was faid the Indians had fix forts, well fur- 

j^] nifhed with ammunition. The veflels came 

to an anchor off Black Point ; where the cap- 
tain being informed that fome Indians had 
been {eeUy went on fhore with a party ; and 
being joined by fome of the inhabitants, fo 
as to make about ninety in all, marched to 
ieek the enemy ; who fhewed themfelves on 
a plain in three parties. Swett divided his 
men accordingly, and went to meet them. 
The enemy retreated till they had drawn 
our people two miles from the fort, and then 
turning fuddenly and violently upon them, 
threw them into confufion, they being mofl- 
ly young and unexperienced foldiers. 
Sweet, with a few of the more refolute, 
fought bravely on the retreat, till he came 

MS Letter ^q.^j- ^j^g foj-j- whcu he was killed ; fixty 

nf Mr. ' ^ 

GookihoE more were left dead or wounded, and the 
Hampton. j.g^ g^^ .^^^ ^j^g ^^^^^ rj^j^g victorious fav- 

ages then furprized about twenty fiiliihg 
vefTels, which put into the eaftern harbours 
by night ; the crews, not being apprehen- 
sive of danger on the water, fejl an eafy prey 



NEW-HAMPSHIRB. 12^ 

to them. Thus the fummer was fpent with 1677. 
terror and perplexity on our part ; while the „ ,, ,, 

• J • 1 1 -11 1 1 J Hubbard's 

enemy rioted without control, till they had ms Hist, 
fatiated their vengeance, and greatly reduced 
the eaftern fettlements. 

At length, in the month of Auguft, Major A-z^-iMi 
An^^^, governor of New- York, fent a 
iloop with ibme forces to take poiTeilion of 
the la 'd which had been granted to the 
Duke of York, and build a fort at Pemaquid^ 
to defend the country againfl the encroach- 
me.n: of foreigners. Upon their arrival the 
Indians appeared friendly ; and in evidence 
of their pacific difpofition, reftored fifteen 
prifoners with the filhing veffels. They con- 
tinued quiet all the fucceeding autumn and 
winter, and lived in harmony with the new 
garrifon. 

In the Spring, Major Shapleigh of Kittery, 1678^ 
Caplain Champernoon and Mr. Fryer of 
Portfmouth, v/ere appointed commiffionerG 
to fettle a formal treaty of peace with Squan- ms. Jour- 
do and the other chiefs, which v;as done at \\] ' ^^ 
Cafco, whither they brought the remainder 
.of the captives. It was ftipulated in the 
treaty, that the inhabitants fhould return to 
their deferted fettlements, on condition of 
paying one peck of corn annually for each 
family, by v/ay of acknpwledgnient to the 
Indians for the pofFeflion of their lands, and 
one bufliel for Major Pendleton, who was a 
great proprietor. Thus an end was put to 
a tedious and diftreffing war, which had fub- 
-filled three years. The terms of peace were 
difgracefui, but not unjait, confidering the 
former irregular condudl of many of the 
.eaflern ietrkrN;, and the native propriety of 

R 



130 HISTORY OF 

1678. the Indians in the foil : Certainly they were 
now mailers of it ; and it was entirely at 
their option, whether the Englifh fhould re- 
turn to their habitations or not. It was there- 
fore thought better to live peaceably, though 
in a fort of fubjec^lion, than to leave fuch 
commodious fettlements and forego the ad- 
vantages of trade and fifliery, which were ve- 
ry confiderable, and by which the inhabi- 
tants of that part of the country had chiefly 
fnbfifted. 

It was a matter of great enquiry and fpe- 
culation how the Indians were fupplied with 
arms and ammunition to carry on this war. 
Hubbard's The Dutcli at New- York were too near the 
?Smtive, Mohawks for the eaftern Indians to adventure 
page 82. tliitlier. The French in Canada were too 
feeble, and too much in fear of the Englifh, 
to do any thing which might dillurb the 
tranquility ; and there was peace between the 
two nations. It v\ras therefore fuppx)fed that 
the Indians had long premeditated the war, 
and laid in a frock beforehand. There had 
formerly been feverc penalties exacted by 
the government, on the felling of arms and 
aminunition to the Indians ; but ever fince 
1657, licences had been granted to particu- 
lar perfons to fupply them occaiionally for 
the purpofe of hunting, on paying an ac- 
Randoiph'g kuowledgment to the public treafury. This 
in^'StcMn- indulgence, having been much abufed by 
son's col. fome of the eailern traders, who, far from 

papers, page * . , _ 

492. the feat of government, were impatient of 

the rellraint of law, was fuppofcd to be the 
fource of the raiichief. But it was after- 
ward difcovered that the Baron de St. Cadine, 
.a reduced French othcer, who had married a 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 13l 

daughter of Madokawando, and kept a trad- 1678. 
ing houfe at Penobfcot, where he confidered 
himfelf as independent, being out of the lim- 
its of any ellablifhed government, was the 
perfon from whom they had their fupplies ; 
which needed not to be very great as they 
always hufbaaded their ammunition with'^^^'p'^^^- 
much care, and never expended it but when 
tliey were certain of doing execution. 

The whole burden and expence of this 
war, on the part of the colonies, were borne 
by themfelves. It was indeed thought 
ftiange by their friends in England, and re- 
fented by thofe in power, that they made no 
application to the king for affiftance. It was 
intimated to them by Lord Anglefey < that 2",f vd 

* his majefty was ready to aflifl them with i- p- sSsr, 
« fliips, troops, ammunition or money, if they 

* would but afk it ;' and their filence was 
CO iilrued to their difadvantage, as if they 
were proud, and obilinate, and defired to be 
coufidered as an independent ftate. They 
had indeed no inclination to afk favours 
from thence ; being well aware of the con- 
fequence of laying themfelves under obliga- 
tions to thofe who had been feeking to un- 
dermine their eilablifhment ; and remember- 
ing how they had been negleded in the late 
Dutch wars, when they flood in much great- 
er need of affiftance : The king had then 

fent ammunition to New- York, but had fent Hutchu., 
word to New-England, ' that they muft fhift 7-'5?t 

* for themfelves and make the beft defence 

* they could.' It was therefore highly inju- 
rious ^to blame them for not making applica- 
tion for help. But if they had not been fo 
ill U'eated, thev could not be charged with 



132 HISTORY dF 

1678. difrefpedl, iince they really did not need 
foreign affiftance. Ships of war and regular 
troops muft have been altogether ulblefs ; 
and no one that knew the nature of an Indian 
war could be ferious in propofing to fend 
them. Ammunition and money were necef- 
fary, but as they had long enjoyed a free 
trade, and had coined the bullion which they 
imported, there was no fcarcity of money, 
nor of any ftores which money could pur- 
chafe. The method of fighting with Indian^ 
could be learned only from themfelves : 
After a little experience, few men in fcatter- 
ed parties were of more fervice than the 
largefl and beft equipped armies which Eu- 
rope could have afforded. It ought ever to 
be remembered for the honor of New-Eng- 
land, that as their firft fettlement, fo their 
prefervation, increafe, and defence, even in 
their weakeft infancy were not owing to any 
foreign afTiftanee, but under God, to their 
own magnanimity and perfeverance. 

Our graved hiftorians have recorded ma- 
ny omens, predi6lions, and other alarming 
circumflances, during this and the Pequod 
war, v/hich in a more philofophieal and lefs 
credulous age would not be worthy of notice. 
When men's minds were rendered gloomy 
by the horrors of n furroundin,<j; wildcrnefs, 
and the continual apprehenlion of danger 
from its favage inhabitants ; when they were 
ignorant of the caufes of many of the com- 
mon appearances in nature, and were dif- 
pofed to refolve every unufual appearance 
into prodigy and miracle, it is not to be won- 
dered that they Ihould imagine they heard 
tho. noife of drums and guns in the air, and 



NEW-HAMPSHIRi:. iB^ 

faw flaming fwords and fpears in the heav- 1678. 
ens, and fhould even interpret eclipfes as 
ominous. Some old Indians had intimated 
their apprehenfions concerning the increafe 
of the Englifh, and the dimintion of their 
own people, which any rational obferver in 
a courfe of forty or fifty years might eafily - 
have foretold, without the leaft pretence to a 
fpirit of prophecy ; yet thefe fayings were 
recollected, and recorded, as fo many pre- 
dicftions by force of a fupernatural impulfe 
on their minds, and many perfons of the 
greateft diftincSion were difpofed to credilf 
them as fuch. Thefe things would not have 
been mentioned, but to give a juft idea of 
the age : If mankind are now better en- 
lightened, fuperftition is the lefs excufeable 
in its remaining votaries. 



134 HISTORY or 



CHAP. VI. 

JMs9n's rencivcd efforts. — Jiando1fh\ ini^vdon and /ro.vsaff^te.v. 
— Atleirlit!^ far the trial of Afason's title .—^J\''e'iV'Ha"npfshirc 
scfiarutcdfrom J^Iussachusettts, and viade a royal prcvmce.'-mi 
Ab^traLt of ths comniisfiion. — .Remarka. an it. 

lo75. ^^^HILE the country was labouiing 

under the perplexity and diftrefs ariling from 
the war, meafures were taking in England to 
increafe their difficulties and divide their at- 
tention. The fcheme of felling the provinces 
of New-Hampfhire and Maine to the crown 
being laid alide, Mafon again petitioned the 
king for the reftoration of his property ; and 
the king referred the matter to his Attorney 
General Sir William Jones, and his Solicitor 
General Sir Francis Winnington, who re- 
ported that "^ John Mafon, efq. grandfather 
" to the petitioner, by virtue of feveral grants 
" from the council of New-England under 
" their common feal was inflated in fee itl 
" fundry great trad;s of land in New-Eng- 
" land, by the name of New-Hampfliire ; 

in superL " and that the petitioner being heir at law to 



AJav 17- 



Court files. « ^YiQ faid John had a good and legal title to 
,p^>P " faid lands." Whereupon a letter was dif- 
patched to the Maffachufetts colony, requir- 
^iicb 10. ji-^g t.iiem to lend over agents within fix 
months, fully empov/ered to anfv/er the com- 
plaints, which Mafon and the heirs of Gorges 
had made, of their ufurpingf jurifdidlion over 
the territories claimed by them j and to re- 
ceive the royal determination in that matter. 
Copies of the complaints v/ere inclofed ; and 
¥.dward Randolph, a kinfinan of Mafo^i, a 



NEW-HAMPSHIRl?. 135 

man o/ great addrefs and penetration, refo- 1676. 
lute and indefatigable in bufinefs, was charg- 
ed Vvdth the letters, and diredled by the 
Lords of Trade to make enquiry into the 
ftate of the country. When he arrived, he ''*'" '^ 
waited on Governor Leverett, who read the 
king's letter with the petitions of Mafon and 
Gorges in council, Randolph being prefent, Hutchin. 
who could obtain no other anfwer than that soir** 
^* they would confid^r it." 

He then came into New-Hamplhire, and J"'y 
as he paiTed along, freely declared the bufi- 
nefs on which he was come, and. publickly 
read a letter which Mafon had fent to the in- 
habitants. Some of them he found ready to 
complain of the government, and defirous of 
a change ; but the body of the people were 
highly Qnraged againft him ; and the inhab- 
itants of Dover in public tow^n-meeting *pro- 

* tefted againft the claim of Mafon ; declar- 

* ed that they had bona fide purchafed their 

* lands of the Lidians ; recognized their sub- 

* jedlion to the government of MafFachufetts, 

* und^r Vv^hom they had lived long and hap- 

* pily, and by whom they were now afTifled 

* in defending their ellates and families a- 

* gainfl the favage enemy.' They appointed 
Major Waldron " to petition the king in 
" their behalf, that he would interpofe his 
*' royal authority and afford them his wont- 
*^ ed favor ; that they might not be diflurb- 
" ed by Mafon, or any other perfon, but 

"■ continue peaceably in poffefTion of their j^^^^, ^^ 
*' rights under the government of MafTachu- ords. 
'^^ fetts." A fimilar petition was fent by the 
inhabitants of Portfrnouth, who appointed Records, 
John Cutts and Richard Martyn, efqrs. Cap- ^^''*'* 



u 



156 HISTORY OF 

1&16* tains Daniel and Stileman to draught and 
forward it. 

When Randolph returned to Bofton, he 
had a fevere reproof from the governor, for 
publifhing his errand, and endeavour] lig to 
raife difcoritent among the people. To which 
jjiuchin. i^e made no other anfwer than that * if he 
fioi. pap. < Jiad done amifs, they might complain to 
* the king. 

After about fix weeks Itay, he went back 
to England and reported to the king, that 
*' he had found the whole country complain- 
" ing of the ufurpation of the magiftrates of 
" Bofton ; earneftly hoping and expecting 
that his majefty would not permit them 
any longer to be oppreifed ; but would 
" give them relief according to the promifes 
" of the commiflioners in 1665." With the 
fame bitterness of temper, and in the fame 
ibrain of mifreprefentation, he inveighed a^ 
gainft the government in a long report to 
the Lords of Trade ; which farther inflam- 
ed the prejudice that had long been conceiv- 
ed againft the colony, and prepared the way 
for the feparation which was meditated. 

After his departure, a fpecial council being 
fummoned, at which the elders of the church- 
es were prefent, the queflion was propofed to 
them, " whether the beft way of making anf- 
" wer to the complaints of Gorges and Mafon 
" about the extent of their patent, be by fend- 
" ing agents, or by v/riting only ?" To which 
" they anfwered, " That it was moft expedi- 
" to jfend^agents, to anfwer by way of infor- 
" mation, provided they were inftrucled with 
" nluch care and caution to negociate the af- 
"fair with fafety to the country, and loyalty 



NEV/-HAMPSHIICE. l&l 

•* to his majefty, in the prefervation of their 1676* 
" patent liberties." Accordingly William HutcHn. 
Stoughton, afterward lieutenant-governor, Hi?t.voi; 
and Peter Bulkley then fpeaker of the houfe ' **' 
of deputies, were appointed agents and fail- 
ed for England. 

At their arrival ail hearing was ordered 1677c 
before the lords chief juftices of the King's 
bench and common pleas ; when the agents 
in the name of the colony difclaimed all title of Aiien's 
to the lands claimed by the petitioner, and '^"^' ^' ^' 
to the jurifdidiion beyond three miles north- 
ward of the river Merrimack, to follow the 
conrfe of the river, fo far as it extended. 
The judges reported to the king ' that they 

* could give no opinion as to the right or 

* foil, in the privinces of NeW-Hamplhire 
' and Maine, not having the proper parties 
' before them ; it appearing that not the 
' Malfachufetts colony, but the ter-tenants 
"^ had the right of foil, and whole benefit 

* thereof, and yet were not fummoned to de- 
' fend their titles. As to Mafon*s right of 
*■ government within the foil he claimed, their 

* lordfhips, and indeed his own counfel, a- 
' greed he had none ; the great council of 
' Plymovith, under whom he claimed, having 

* no power to transfer government to any. It 

* was determined that the four towns of Portf- ^^*^^"" 

vol. I. p., 

* mouth, Dover, Exeter and Hampton were 8i7 
' out of the bounds ot Malfachufetts.' ThU 
report was accepted and confirmed by the 
king in council. 

After this, at the requefl of the agents, Sir i ^>7q 
William Jones the attorney general drew up 
a complete flate of the cafe to be tranfmitted ^•'p*- '* 
to the colony ; by which it feems that he 



^,$ ItJISTORY 6f 

167^. had altered his opinion fincie the r6p6rt 

Hutcb.vQi. which he gave to the king in 1675, concern-. 

I. ^pr. ing the validity of Mafon's title. It was alfo 

admitted that the title could be tried only on 

the place, there being no court in England 

that had cognizance of it. 

It (became necefTary then to the eflablilh- 
ment of Mafon's title, that a new jurifdicflion 
fhould be eredled, in which the king might 
dire(5l the mode of trial and appeal at his 
pjleafure : This being refolved upon, the 
colony of MafTachufetts was informed, by a 
luiy 24. letter from the fecretary of Hate, of the king's 
HutcHnr intention to feparate New-Hamplhire from 
y'- p^p- their government, and required to revoke all 
commiflions which they had granted there, 
and which were hereby declared to be null 
and void. To prevent any extravagant de- 
mand, the king obliged the claimant to de- 
clare, under his hand and feal, that he would 
Require no rents of the inhabitants for the 
time pafFed, before the tv^enty-fourth of June 
1679, nor moleft any in their pofTelTions for 
^Ijie time to come ; but would make out titles 
to them and their heirs forever^ provided 
they would pay him fixpence in the pound, 
according to the yearly value of all houfes 
Y^hich they had built and lands which they 
had improved. 
(^mmtssi- Things being thus prepared, a commifTioil 
T paiTed the great feal on the eighteenth of 

' September for the government of New- 

Hamplhire ; which ' inhibits and reflrains 
^ the jurifdidlon exercifed by the colony of 
'MafTachufetts over the tov/ns of I'orifmouth, 
' Dover, Exeter and Hampton, a- d ail other 
* lands extending from three miles to the 



NEW-HAMPSHIR£, 13^ 

northward of the river Merrimack and of 167& 
any and every part thereof, to the province 
of Maine ; conftitutes a prelident and coun- 
cil to govern the province ; appoints John 
Cutts, efq. prelident, to continue one year 
and till another be appointed by the fame 
authority ; Richard Martyn, William 
Vaughan, and Thomas Daniel of Portfmouth, 
John Oilman of Exeter, Chriflopher Huf- 
fey of Hampton and Richard Waldron of 
Dover, efquires, to be of the council, who 
were authorifed to choofe three other quali- 
fied perfons out of the feveral parts of the 
province to be added to them. The faid pre^ 
fident and every fucceeding one to appoint 
a deputy to prelide in his abfence ; the pre- 
fident or his deputy with any five to be a 
quorum. They were to meet at Portfmouth 
in twenty days after the arrival of the com^ 
miffion and publifh it. They were confU- 
tuted a court of record for the adminiflra- 
tion of juflice, according to the laws of 
England, fo far as circumftances would per- 
mit ; referving a right of appeal to the 
king in council for a<5lions of fifty pounds 
value. They were empowered to appoint 
military officers, and take all needful meafr 
ures for defence againfl en^niies. Liberty 
of confcience was allowed to all proteflants, 
^ thofe of the church of England to be par- 
ticularly encouraged. For the fupport of 
government they were to continue the pre- 
* fent taxes, till an affembly could be called ; 
^ to which end they were within three 
^ months to ifTue writs under the province 
^ feal, for calling an affembly, to whom the 
' prefident fhould reconunend the paijing 



140 HISTORY OF 

3L679» * fuch laws as fliould eflablifh their allegi- 

* ance, good order and defence, and the raif^ 

* ing taxes in fuch manner and proportion as 

* they Ihould fee fit. All laws to be approv- 
*■ ed by the prefident and council, and then 

* to remain in force till the king's pleaf- 

* ure fhould be known, for which purpofe 

* they fhould be fent to England by the firfl 
' fhips. In cafe of the prefident's death, his 

* deputy to fucceed, and on the death of a 
^ counfellor, the remainder to eledl another, 
^ and fend over his name, with the names of 

* two other meet perfons, that the king might 
' appoint one of the three» The king engag- 
' ed for himfelf and fucceffors to continue 

* the privilege of an affembly, in the fame 
' manner and form, unlefs by inconvenience 

* arifing therefrom he or his heirs fliould fee 
^ caufe to alter the fame. If any of the in- 

* habitants fliould refufe to agree with Mafon 

* or his agents, on the terms before mention- 

* ed, the prefident and council were directed 
^ to reconcile the difference, or fend the cafe 

* ftated in writing with their own opinions, 

* to the king, that he with his privy council 

* might determine it according to equity.* 

The form of government defcribed in this 
commifTion confidered abftratftedly from the 
immediate intentions, characflers, and con- 
nexions of the perfons concerned, appears to 
be of as finiple a kind as the nature of a fub- 
ordinate government and the liberty of the 
fubje(!il can admit. The people, who are the 
natural and original fource of power, had a 
reprefentation in a body chofen by them- 
felves ; and the king was reprefented by a 
prefident and council of hk own appoint- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. l41 

inent ; each had the right of inflru(5ling their 16*79; 
reprefentative, and the king had the fuperior 
prerogative of difannulling the a<5ls of the 
whole at his pleafure. The principal blem- 
illi in the commilTion was the right claimed 
by the king of difcontinuing the reprelen- 
tation of the people, whenever he fhould find 
it inconvenient, after he had folemnly en- 
gaged to continue this privilege. The claufe, 
indeed, is artfully worded, and might be 
<:onftrued to imply more or lefs at pleafure. 
Herein Charles was conliftent with himfelf^ 
parliaments being his averfion. However, 
there was in this plan as much of the fpirit 
pf the Britiih conflitution as there could be 
any foundation for in fuch a colony ; for 
liere was no third branch to form a balance 
between the king or his reprefentative, and 
the people. The inftitution of an houfe of 
peers in Britain was the refult of the feudal 
fyftem : the barons being lords of the foil 
and enjoying a fovereignty within their own 
territories and over their own vafTals ; the 
conflitution was formed by the union of 
thefe diflindl eflates under one common fov- 
ereign. But there was nothing fimilar to 
this in New-England. The fettlements be- 
gan here by an eqiial diviiion of property 
among independent freemen. Lordfhip and 
vafTaiage were held in abhorrence. The 
yeomanry were the proprietors of the foil 
and the natural defenders of their own rights 
and property ; and they knew no fuperior 
but the king. A council, whether appoint- 
ed by him or chofen by the people could not 
form a di{lin(ft body, becaufe they could not: 
be independent. Had fuch a flmple forna 



142 HISTORY OP 

1679. of colony government been more generally 
adopted, and perfeveringly adhered to, and 
adminlftered only by the mod delicate hands, 
it might have ferved better than any other, 
to perpetuate the dependence of the colonies 
en the Bridih crown^ 



S»J«W-HAMPSH1EE. 14S 



G H A P. VIL 



The admlmstratioH of the first council.-^Oji/wsitidn to the acts 
of trade.— Alason's arrival. — Ofifiodtion to him. — Hi* df 
part are. — State of trade and navii^ation. 

J.HE conimiffion was brought to 1680. 
I'ortfinouth on the firft of January by Ed- coundi 
Ward Randolph, than whom there could not Ree. 
be a more unwelcome meflenger. It was 
received with great reluctance by the gentle- 
men therein named; who, though they were Fitch's ms. 
of the firfl characfler, interefl and influence, 
and had fuflained the principal offices civil 
and military under the colony government* ; 
,yet eafily faw that their appointment was not 
from any refpect to them or favour to the 
people ; but merely to obtain a more eafy 
introduction to a new form of government, 
for a particular purpofe, which they knew 
Would be a fource of perplexity and diftrefs. 
They would gladly have declined adling in 

' The president John Cutts was a principal merchant, of greait probity 
and esteem in Portsmouth ; but now aged and infirm. 

Richard Martj-n, was of good character, and great influence. He had 
been very active in procuring the settlement of a minister in the town of 
Portsmouth. 

William Vaughan, was a wealthy merchant, generoui and public spirited, 
and of undaunted resolution. He was of Welch extraction, but was bred in 
London under Sir Josiah Child, who had a great regard for him, and whose 
f'lterest he made use of for the goci of the province. 

Tliomas Daniel, was a person of such note and importance, that when htf 
died in a time of general sickness and mortality, Mr. Moody preached his 
funeral sermon from 2 Sam. ii. 30. " There lacked of David's servants, nijie- 
ieen men and Asab^l." (Fitch's MS.) 

Jn'in Gihnan, was a principal man in Exeter, as waa Christopher Hussey, 
:n Hampton. 

Richard Waldron, was a native of Somersetshire, and one of the first set- 
tlers in Dorer. Ho was much respected and enunently useful, having sus- 
tained divers important offices civil and military, and approved his courage 
i'\'\ n Itrfity \\\ th'^ iTTcst ha-'.ardou.s enterpri'?s 



144 HISTORY Ol 

1680. their new capacity ; but confidering the tem-*' 
per of the government in England, the iina- 
voiciable necefhty of fubmitting to the- 
change, and the danger (upon their refufal) 
of others being appointed who would be 
inimical to the country, they agreed to qual- 
ify themfelves, determining to do what good, 
and keep off what harm they were able. 
Council They therefore publilhed the commiffion, 
Reoordf. ^j^^ j-Qok the oaths on the twenty fecond day 
of January, which was beyond the utmoft 
time limited in the commiilion. Agreeably 
to the royal diredlion they chofe three other 
gentlemen into the council ; Elias Stileman. 
of Great Ifland, who had been a clerk in the 
county courts, whom they now appointed fe- 
cretary, Sanriuel Dalton of Hampton and Job 
Clements of Dover. The prefident nominat- 
ed Waldron to be his deputy or vice prefi- 
dent, Martyn was appointed treafurer, and 
John Roberts, marflial. 

This change of government gratified the 
difcontended few, but was greatly difrelifh- 
ed by the people in general ; as they faw 
themfelves deprived of the privilege of choof- 
ing their own rulers, which was ftill enjoy- 
ed by the other colonies of New-England, 
and as they expelled an invafion of their pro- 
perty foon to follow. 

When writs were iffued for calling a gen^ 
eral affembly the perfons in each town who 
were judged qualified to vote were named in 
the writs* ; and the oath of allegiance wa'v 

* The number of oualified voters in each town was. 

In Portsmouth 71 

Dover 61 

Hampton 57 

^jfetet. 20 

?0? 



NEW-HAMPSHIRii. 145 

aaminiflered to each voter. A public faft 16Hrjt 
was obferved, to afk the divine blefling on j^ ^^ 
the approaching allembly and "the conti- 
" nuance of their precious and pleafant 
" things." The aflembly* met at Ports- 
mouth on the fixteenth of March, and was 
opened with prayer and a fermon by Mr.^ 
Moody. 

To exprefs their genuine fentiments of 
the prefent change, and invalidate the falfe 
reports which had been raifed againfl them, 
as well as to fhew their gratitude and refpedl 
to their former protedlors, they wrote to the 
general court at Bofton, " acknowledging 
" the kindnefs of that colony in taking them 
" under their protedlion and ruling them 
" well ; afTuring them, that it was not any 
" dilTatisfacftion with their government, but 
" merely their fubmiflion to divine provi- 
" dence and his majefly's commands, with- 
" out any feeking of their own, which in- 
" duced them to comply with the prefent 
" feparation, which they fhould have been 
" glad had never taken place ; fignifying their 
" defire that a mutual carrefpondence might 
" be continued for defence againfl the com- 
" mon enemy, and offering their fervice Councrf 
" when it fliould be necefTaryf.*' ^"°*^' 

* The Deputies in this first Assembly were. 

For Portsmouth. Hampton. 

Robert Eliot, Anthony Stanyon, 

Philip Lewis, Thomas Marston, 

John Pickering. Edward Gove. 

Dover. Exeter. 

Peter Coffin, Bartholemew Tijppen, 

Anthony Nutter, Ralph Hall. 
Richard Waldron, jun. 

t Tills letter fully shews the absurdity of the reason assigned by Doiigia^ 
in his Summary, vol. II. page 28, for erecting this new government. " Th«- 
" proprietors and inhabitants of New-Hampshire not capable of protecting 
•' tliemselves against the Canada French and tlieir Indians, desired of ^tf- 

T 



146 HISTORY 01^ 

iS80i Their next care tvas to frame a code of 
liws, of which the firll, conceived in a flyle 
becoming freemen, was " that no a6l, impo- 
" fition, law or ordinance iliould be made or 
" impofed npon them, but fuch as fhonkl be 
" made by the affembly and approved by the 
" prefident and council." Idolatry, blafphe- 
my, treafon, rebellion, wilful murder, man- 
flaughter, pcjifoning, withcraft, fodomy, hef- 
tiality, perjury, iiiali-llealing, curling and re- 
belling againfl parents, rape and arfon were 
niade capital crimes. The other penal laws 
w'ere in their main principles the fame that 
^re now in force. To prevent contentions 
ihat might arife by reafon of the late change 
of government, all townfhips and grants of 
land Were conhrrhed, and ordered to remain 
^s before ; and cdntroverlies about the titles 
of land were to be determined by juries chof"^ 
en by the feveral toWns, according to forilief 
ctiftom. The |)refident and council with the 
^'fTembly were a fupreme court of Judica- 
hire, with a jury when deiired by the par- 
tie^ ; and thi^ee inferior courts were confti^ 
tuted at Dover, Hampton and Portfmouth. 
The military arrangement was, one foot 
Company in each town, one company of ar- 
tillery at the fott, and one troop of horfe, all 
under the command of Major Waldron. 

During this adminiflration, things went 
on as nearly as poflible in the old channel, 
and with the fime fpirit, as before the fepa- 
ration. A jealous watch was kept over their 
rights and privileges, and every encroach- 

,*' crown io Hke tliem iincfer its immcdhte protection." A random assr:-' 
"ifibn, unsupported by any proof and contrary to plain fact ! The crown coiilii 
^ftbrl them no protection against Indians. Witli tlie Frcrcl! the C'-o.vn w.-i-* 
% alliance, and tlife nation was at peace. 



Ms Lavrt. 



?fJEW-HAMPSHIRE. 147 

^lent upoft them was withftood to the ut-. 1680. 
mod. The duties and reftricflions eflablifh- 
ed by the acl^s of trade and navigation were 
univerfally difguilful, ^nd the more fo as 
p.andolph was appointed colle6lor, furveyor 
9.nd fearcher of the cufloms throughout New- 
England. In the execution of his commif- 
ijon he feized a ketch belonging to Portf- 
pcvputh, but bound froni Maryland to Ireland, 
'V^hich had put into this port for a few days. 
The mafter, Aiark Hunking, brought an ac- ^""^^^j^ 
tion againfl him at a fpecial court before the 
preiident and council, and recovered damages 
and coi\s to the amount of thirteen pounds. 
Randolph behaved on this occafion with 
jxich infolence, that the council obliged him 
publickly to acknowledge his offence and afk 
their pardon. He appealed from their iude:-^ coundi 

. . Records artH 

ment to the king ; but what the iflue was Files. 
doth not appear. Having conflituted Cap- 
tain Walter Baretpote his deputy at this port, 
an advertifement was publifhed requiring 
that all veffels fhould be entered and cleared 
with him. Upon which Barefoot was 
brought to examination, and afterward in- 
di(5led before the prefident and council, for 1""^* 
' having in an high and prefumptuous man- March 25. 
' ner fet up his majefty's office of cuftoms 
' without leave from the prefident and coun- 
' cil ; in contempt of his majefty's authority 
'.in this place ; for difturbing and obflrudl- 
^ ing his majefty's fubjedls in pafTmg frorn 

* harbour to harbour, and town to tov/n ; 
',and for his infolence in making no other 

* anlV/er to any queftion propounded to him 
' but " my name is Walter." He was fen- 
tcnced to pay a fine of ten pounds, and ftand 



148 



HISTORY Ol 



^680, committed till it was paid. But though Ran- 
dolph's authority was denied, yet they made 
an order of their own for the obfervation of 
the adls of trade, and appointed officers of 
their own to fee them executed. They had 
been long under the MafTachufetts govern- 
ment, and learned their political principles 
from them ; and as they had been ufed to 
think that all royal authority flowed in the 
channel of the charter, fo they now thought 
that no authority derived from the crown 
could be regularly exercifed in the province 

' but through their commifTion. In this they 

reafoned agreeably not only to their former 
principles, but to their fundamental law, to 
which they fteadily adhered, though they 
had no reafon to think it would be allowed 
by the crown ; and though they knew that 
a rigid adherence to rights, however clear 
and facred, was not the way to recommend 
themfelves to royal favour. But they were 
not fingular in thefe fentiments, nor in their 
oppolition to the laws of trade. Randolph 
was equally hated, and his commiffion ne- 
gledled at I3ofton ; where the notary refufed 

fifes! "' to enter his proteil againft the proceedings 
of the court ; and he was obliged to poft it 
on the exchange. 

In the latter end of the year Mafon arriv- 

iicf 3o ^^ fi'om England with a mandamus, requir- 
ing the council to admit him to a feat at the 

1681. board, which was accordingly done. He 
foon entered on the bulincfs he came about ; 
endeavouring to perfuade fome of the people 
to take Icafes of him, threatening others if 
they did not, forbidding them to cut fire- 
icrood and tin'ibor. nl'^M'^-y his ri^^ht t^^ the 



M-SS ill 



NfW-HAMPSHlRE. 149 

province and afluming the title of lord-pro- 1681. 
prietor. His agents, or ftewards as they were 
called, had rendered themfelves obnoxious 
by demanding rents of feveral perfons and 
threatening to fell their houfes for payment. 
Thefe proceedings raifed a general uneali- 
nefs ; and petitions were fent from each - 
town, as well as from divers individuals, to 
the council for protedlion ; who taking up 
the matter judicially publifhed an order pro- 
hibiting Mafon or his agents at their peril to 
repeat fuch irregular proceedings, and de- 
claring their intention to tranfmit the griev- 
ances and complaints of the people to the 
king. Upon this, Mafon would no longer 
lit in council, though delired, nor appear 
when fent for ; when they threatened to 
deal with him as an offender, he threatened 
to appeal to the king, and publifhed a fum- 
mons to the prefident and feveral members 
of the council, and others to appear before 
his majefty in three months. This was 
deemed " an ufurpation over his majefly's 
'' authority here eftablifhed," and a warrant 
was ifllied for apprehending him ; but he 
got out of their reach and went to England. ^^^^ ^^ 
During thefe tranfa(5lions prefident Cutts Apni 5. 
died, and Major Waldron fucceeded him, ap- 
pointing Captain Stileman for his deputy, 
who had quitted his place of fecretary upon 
the appointment of Richard Chamberlayne 
to that office by royal commifTion. The va- leso. 
cancy made in the council by the prefident's 
deaih was filled by Richard V/aldron junior. 
On the death of Dalton, Anthony Nutter was 
chofen. Henry Dow was appointed marfhal 
in the room of Rolnuts who refigned. 



J50 ^IISTORY OF 

1^82. During the remainder of the councirs adr- 
nainiitr^tion, the common bufinefs went on 
in the irfual manner, and nothing remarka- 
ble is mentioned, excepting another profecu- 
tion of Barefoote, with his affiftants, Wil- 
Jtfarcii 10. liarp ^a&ins and Thomas Thm-ton for feiz- 
ing a veflel " under pretence of his majefiy's, 
" nan^e, withoi^t the knowledge of the au- 
*' thority of the province, and without fliew- 
" ing any breach of ftatute though demand- 
" ed." Barefoote pleaded his deputation 
from Randolph ; but he was amerced twen- 
ty pounds to be refpited during his good be- 
haviour, and his tv/o affiftants five pounds 
pach ; the complainant being left to the law 
for his damages. This affair was carried by 
appeal to the king ; but the iffue is not men-. 
tioned. 

It will be proper to cloie the account of 
this adminiflration with a view of the itat^ 
pf the province as to its trade, improve- 
ments and defence, from a reprefcntation 
thereof made by the council to the lords of 
ti'ade, purfuant to their order. 

" The trade of the province, (fay they) is 
iri mafts, planks, boards and ftaves and all 
other lumber, which at prefent is of little 
value in other plantations, to which they are 
tranfported ; fo that we fee no other way for 
the advantage of the trade, unlefs his maicf- 
ty pleafe to make our river a free port. 

" Importation by flrangers is of little va- 
lue ; Ihips commonly felling their cargoes in 
other governments, and if they come here^ 
ufually come empty to iiil with lumber : but 
if haply they are at any time loaded with 
fifli, it is brought from other ports, ther^ b-Q:^ 



i^eW-hampshire. l5i 

ing nbtiC made in our ptovince, nor likely to 1682» 
be, ilhtil his majefly pleafe to make the fbutli 
part of the Illes of Shoals part of this gov- 
ernment, they not being at prefent under 
any*. 

" In reference to the improveitient of 
lands by tillage, our foil is generally fo bar- 
ren, and the winters fo extreme cold and 
long that there is not provilion enough raif^ 
ed to fupply the inhabitants, many of whonl 
Were in the late Indian war fo impoverifhed 
their houfes and eftates being deftroyed, and 
they and others remaining ftill fo incapacitat- 
ed for the improvement of the land, (feveral 
of the youth being killed alfo) that they even 
groan under the tax or rate, afleired for that 
fervice, which is, great part of It, unpaid to 
this dayf. 

" There is at the Great Ifland in Portf^ 
iiiouth, at the harbour's mouth, a fort well 
Bnough iituated, but for the prefent two 
Weak and inluffieient for the defence of the 
place ; the guns being eleven in number are 
imall, none exceeding a facre (fix pounder) 

* Wben these islands were first settled is uncertain, but it must hav\:': 
been very early, as they are most conimo Honsly situated for the fishery, which 
was a principal object with the first settlers. While New-Hamps'ii-e was 
united to Massachusetts, they were under the same jurisdiction, and the 
town there erected vas called \ppledore. (Mass. Rec.) They are not nam.- 
ed in Cutt's nor Cranfield's comrrussion : but under Dudley's presidencyj 
causes were brought from thence to Portsmouth, which is said to be in the 
same county. In Allen''s and all succeeding commissions, they are particu- 
larly mentioned ; the south half of them being in New-Hampshire. 

t Taxes were commonly paid in lumber or provisions at stated prices ; 
and whoever paid them in money was abated one-third part. The prices in. 
1680, were as follows. 

Alerchantable white pine boards per m 30 s. 

White Oak pine staves per ditto - 3 1. 

Red Oak ditto per ditto , - 30 s. 

Red Oak Hhd. ditto per ditto. - - 25 •. 

Indian Corn per bushel - - 3 s. 

Wheat per ditto. - - - 5 »k 

Malt per ditto. . - . 4 ,« 

N. 13. Silver was 6s. and 8d. per oz. 



152 HISTORY OF 

1682. nor above twenty one hundred weight, and 
the people too poor to make defence fuitable 
to the occafion that may happen for the fort. 
" Thefe guns were bought, and the forti- 
fication eredled, at the proper charge of the 
towns of Dover and Portfmouth, at the be- 
ginning of the firft Dutch war, about the year 
1665, in obedience to his majefty's command 
in his letter to the government under which 
this province then was. 

" There are five guns more lying at the 
upper part of Portfmouth, purchafed by pri- 
vate perfons, for their fecurity and defence 
againfl the Indians in the late war with 
them, and whereof the owners may difpofe 
at their pleafure. To fupply the forefaid 
defec?t and weaknefs of the guns and fort, we 
humbly fupplicate his majefly to fend us 
fuch guns as fhall be more ferviceable, with 
powder and fliot." 

By an account of the entries in the port 

annexed to the above, it appears, that from 

the fifteenth of June 1680, to the twelfth of 

April 1681, were entered, twenty-two fhips, 

Ceunrii eighteen ketches, two barks, three pinks, one 

Records- ^^^Qp ^^^ q^c fly-boat ; in all forty-feven. 



n£w-HAMP5HIRI= iSi 



CHAP. VIII. 

The administration of CranJiekL'^— Violent measures. -T'lnsurrec- 
' tion, trial and im/irinonment of Gove. — Mason's euita.^^ 
Vanghan''s iin/irisonnient. — Prosecution of Moody and his im' 
jfir'non:nL'nC.—~ArbUrnry proceedings. — Com/ilaints.—'Tkimults, 
Wearers agency in England. — Cranfield'i removal. — Bare- 
footers administration. 

Experience having now convlnc- 1682 
ed Mafon, that the government which he had 
procured to be eredled, wAs not likely to be 
adminiflered in a manner favourable to his 
views, he made it his bulinefs, on his return 
to England, to folicit a change ; in confe- 
quence of which it was determined to com- 
miffion EHward Cranfield, efq. lieutenant- 
governor and commander in chief of New- 
Hamplhire. By a deed enrolled in the court 
of chancery, Mafon furrendered to the king j^n. 2». 
one fifth part of the quit-rents, which had or 
fliould become due : Thefe with the fines 
and forfeitures which had accrued to the 
crown fince the eilablifhment of the prov- 
ince, and which fhould afterward arife, were 
appropriated to the fupport of the goverrior. 
But this being deemed too precarious a foun- 
dation, Mafon by another deed mortgaged . ^ 
the whole province to Cranfield, for twenty- file*, 
one years, as fecurity for the payment of one 
hundred and fifty pounds per annum, for the 
fpace of feven years. On this encouragement 
Cranfield relinquifhed a profitable office at pitgjj.gjyjg 
home, with the view of bettering his fortune 
here. 

By the commifiion, which bears date the 
*iinth of May, the governor was impowered 

u 



154 HISTORY OF 

1,682. to call, adjourn, prorogue and difToIve gene- 
ral courts ; to have a negative voice in all 
acfls of government ; to fufpend any of the 
council when he fhould fee juft caufe (and 
€very counfellor fo fufpended was declared 
incapable of being eledled into the general 
afFembly ;) to appoint a deputy-governor, 
judges, juflices, and other officers, by his fole 
authority ; and to execute the powers of vice- 
admiral. The cafe of Mafon was recited 
nearly in the fame words as in the former 
commiffion, and the fame diredlions were 
given to the governor to reconcile differences, 
or fend cafes fairly flated to the king in coun- 
cilj for his decifion. The counfellors nam- 
ed in this commiflion were Mafon, who was 
ftyled proprietor, Waldron, Daniel, Vaughan, 
Martyn, Gilman, Stileman and Clements : 
Thefe were of the former council, and to 
them were added Walter Barefoote, and 
Richard Chamberlayne. 
Council Cranfield arrived and publillied his com- 

miflion on the fourth of Odlober, and within 
fixj days Waldron and Martyn were fufpend- 
ed from the council, on certain articles ex- 
hibited againft them by Mafon. This early 
fpecimen of the exercife of power mufh have 
been intended as a public affront to them, in 
revenge for their former fpirited condudl ; 
otherwife their names might have been left 
out of the commiffion when it was drawn. 

The people now plainly faw the dangerous 
defigns formed againfl them. The negative 
voice of a governor, his right of fufpending 
counfellors, and appointing ofhcers, by his 
ovm authority, were wholly unprecedented 
in New-England ; and they had the fmguiar 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 155 

mortification to fee the crown not only ap- 1682» 

pointing two branches of their legiflature, 
but claiming a negative on the elecElion of 
their reprefentatives, in a particular cife, 
which might fometimes be elTentially necef- 
fary to their own fecurity. They well knew 
that the fole defign of thefe novel and extra- 
ordinary powers was to facilitate the entry 
of the claimant on the lands which fome of 
them held by virtue of grants from the fame 
authority, and which had all been fairly pur- 
chafed ot the Indians ; a right which they 
believed to be of more validity than any oth- 
er. Having by their own labour and ex- 
pence fubdued a rough wildernefs, defended 
their families and eftates againft the favage 
enemy, without the lead affiflance from the 
claimant, and held poifeillon for above fifty 
years ; they now thought it hard and cruel, 
that when they had juft recovered from the 
horrors of a bloody war, they fhould have 
their liberty abridged, and their property de- 
manded, to fatisfy a claim which was at beft 
difputable, and in their opinion groundlefs. 
On the other hand it was deemed unjuft, that 
grants made under the royal authority fhould 
be difregarded ; and that fo great a fum as 
had been expended by the anceftor of the 
claimant, to promote the fettlement of the 
country, fliould be entirely loft to him ; ef- 
pecially as he had foregone fome jufl claims ^^^^ . 
on the eftate as a condition of inheritance, wm. 
Had the inhabitants by any fraudulent means 
impeded the defigns of the original grantee, 
or embezzled his interefl, there might have 
been a juft demand for damages ; but the 
unfaccefsfulnefs of that adventure was to be 



156 



HISTORY OF 



Vaughan's 
TournaL 



16S2^ fought for in its own impra<5licability ; or 
the negligence, inability or inexperience of 
thofe into whofe hands the management of it 
fell after Captain Mafon's death, and during 
the minority of his fuccelFor. 

An alFembly, being fummoned, met on the 
fourteenth of November; with whofe concur- 
rence a new body of laws was enabled, in 
fome refpe(5ls different from the former ; the 
fundamental law being omitted and an alter- 
Ms Laws, ation made in the appointment of jurors, 
which was now ordered to be done by the 
fheriff, after the cuflom in England. 

Cranfield, who made no fecret of his in- 
tention to enrich himfelf by accepting the 
government, on the firfl day of the alTembly 
reflored Waldron and Martyn to their places 
in the council ; having, as he faid, examined 
the allegations againft them and found them 
inflifEcient. In return for this iliew of com- 
plaifance, and taking advantage of his needy 
Situation, the alTembly having ordered an af- 
felTme-nt of five hundred pounds, appropriat- 
ed one half of it as a prefent to the governor ; 
hoping hereby to detach him from Mafon, 
who they knew could never comply with his 
engagements to him. Prefering a certainty 
to an uncertainty, he pafled the bill, though 
it was not prefented to him till after he had 
given order foV adjourning the court, and af- 
Mss in the tcr Mafou, Barefoote and Chamberlaynewere 
withdrawn from the council. 

This appearance of good humom* was but 
fliort-lived ; for at the next fefTion of the ai^ 
fembly, the governor and council having ten- 
dered them a bill for the fupport of govern- 
r*3.ent, which they did not approve, and they 



Council 



Dec. 1. 



Files. 

1683. 

Ian 20. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 157 

having offered him feveral bills which he faid 1683. 
were contrary to law, he dilTolved them ; 
having previouily fufpended Stileman from 
the council and difmiffed him from the com- 
mand of the fort, for fufFering a veffel under 
feizure to go out of the harbour. Barefoote 
was made captain of the fort in his room. Rec"*^ 

The diffolution of the AfTembly, a thing 
before unknown, aggravated the popular 
difcontent, and kindled the refentment of 
fome rajQi perfons in Hampton and Exeter ; 
who, headed by Edward Gove, a member of 
the difTolved ailembly, declared by found of 
trumpet for " liberty and reformation." 
There had been a town meeting at Hamp- 
ton, when a new clerk was chofen and their 
records fecured. Gove went from town to 
town proclaiming what had been done at 
Hampton, carrying his arms, declaring that 
the governor was a traitor and had exceeded 
his commifTion, and that he would not lay 
down his arms, till matters were fet right, 
and endeavouring to excite the principal men 
in the province to join in a confederacy 
to overturn the government. His proje(5t 
appeared to them fo wild and dangerous, that 
they not only difapproved it, but informed 
againfl him and alfifted in apprehending him. 
Hearing of their defign, he collecSled his com- 
pany, and appeared in arms ; but on the per- 
fuahon of fome of his friends he furrender- 
ed. A fpecial court was immediately com- 
millioned for his trial, of which Major Wal- 
dron fat as judge, with William Vaughan 
and Thomas Daniel afliftants. The grand 
jury prefented a bill in which Edward Gove, 
John Gove, his fon, and William Hely, ot 



158 HISTORY OF 

1683. Hampton ; Jofeph, John and Robert Wad- 
leigh, three brothers, Thomas Rawlins, 
Mark Baker and John Sleeper, of Exeter, 
were charged with high-treafon. Gove, who 
behaved with great infolence before the 
court, and pretended to juftify what he had 
done, was convidled and received fentence of 
death in the ufual hideous form ; and his 
Feb. 1. eftate was feized, as forfeited to the crown. 
Records of '^^^ othcrs werc convi(5led of being accom- 
speciai plices, and refpited. The king's pleafiire 
being fignified to the governor that he fhould 
pardon fuch as he judged objects of mercy ; 
they were all fet at liberty but Gove, who 
was fent to England, and imprifoned in the 
tower of London about three years. On his 
repeated petitions to the king, and by the in- 
tereft of Randolph with the Earl of Claren- 
don, then lord chamberlain, he obtained his 
pardon and returned home in 1686, with an 
order to the then prelident and council of 
New-England to reflore his eftate. 
i'love's Gove in his petitions to the king pleaded 

japers. " a diftemper of mind" as the caufe of thofe 
actions for which he was profecuted. He 
alfo fpeaks in fome of his private letters of a 
drinking match at his houfe, and that he had 
not ilept for twelve days and nights, about 
that time. When thefe things are confider- 
ed, it is not hard to account for his condu6l. 
From a letter which he wrote to the court 
while in prifon, one would fuppofe him to 
have been difordered in his mind. Elispun- 
ifliment was by much too fevere, and his trial 
was hurried on too faft, it being only fix 
days after the commiilion of his crime. Had 
he been iudided only for a riot there would 



il^i^ in files. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 159 

have been no difficulty in the proof, nor 1683. 
hardfhip in inflicfling the legal penalty. 
Waldron, it is faid, flied tears when pro- 
nouncing the fentence of death upon him. 

On the fourteenth of February the gover- 
nor, by advertifenient, called upon the in- 
habitants to take out leafes from Mafon with- 
in one month, otherwife he mull, purfuant 
to his inftrudlions, certify the refufal to the 
king, that Mafon might be difcharged of his 
obligation to grant them. Upon this fum- 
mons and within the time fet, Major Wal- 
dron, John Wingett and Thomas Roberts, 
three of the principal landholders in Dover, 
waited on the governor to know his pleafure, 
who directed them to agree with Mafon, 
They then retired into another room where 
Mafon was, and propofed to refer the matter 
to the governor, that he might according to 
his commiiTion, ftate the matter to the king 
for his decilion. This propofal Mafon re- 
jected, faying that unlefs they would own 
his title, he would have nothing to do with 
them. While they were in difcourfe the we*rei» 
governor came in and defired them to de- ^^' 
part. 

This piece of condudl is difficult to be ac- 
counted for, it being diredlly in the face of 
the commifTion. Had the method therein 
prefcribed, and by thefe men propofed, been 
adopted, it was natural to expecfl that the 
king, who had all along favoured Mafon's 
pretenfions, would have determined the cafe 
as much to his wiih as upon an appeal from 
a judicial court ; befides, he had now the 
f aire ft opportunity to have it decided in the 
ihorteft way, to which his antagonifls mufl 



160 History of 

1683. have fubmitted, it being their own propofaL 
Plisrefufal to accede to it was a capital miftakei- 
as it left both him and Cranfield expofed to the 
charge of difobedience* But it afforded a pow- 
erful plea in behalf of the people ; whofe con- 
fidence in the royal juilice would have in- 
duced them to comply with the directions in 
the commifTion. It being now impoffible to 
have the contrbverfy thus decided they de- 
termined to hearken to none of his propo- 
fals. As he generally met with oppolition 
and contradidlion he was induced to utter 
many rafh fayings in all companies. He 
threatened to feize the principal eftates, beg- 
gar their owners, and provoke them to re- 
bellion by bringing a frigate into the har- 
^. , bour and procurinsr foldiers to be quartered 
MS. , on the inhabitants. Thefe threats were fo far 
from intimidating the people that they ferv- 
ed the more firmly to unite them in their de-^ 
termination not to fubmit ; and each party 
was now warm in their oppofition and re- 
fentment^ 

The governor On fome freffi pretencfe fuf- 
pended Waldron, Martyn and Oilman from 
the council. The deaths of Daniels and 
Clements made two other vacancies. Vaughan 
held his feat the longed, but was at length 
thruft out for his non-compliance with fomfe 
arbitrary meafures. So that the governor 
had it in his power to model the council to 
his mind, which he did by appointing at va- 
rious times Nathaniel Fryer, Robert Eliot, 
John Hinckes, James Sherlock, Francis 
Champernoon and Edward Randolph, en- 
quires. The judicial courts were alfo filled 
with ofiicers proper for the intended bufinef«. 



Barefoote, the deputy governor, was judge : 1683. 
Mafon was chancellor ; Chamberlayne v/as 
clerk and prothonoLary ; Randolph was at- 
torney general, and Sherlock provoll marfhal 
and fherifF. Some who had always been dif- R^orda, 
affecfled to the country, and others who had 
been awed by threats or flattered by promi- 
fes took leafes from Mafon ; and thcfa ferved 
for under IherifFs, jurors, evidences, and oth- 
er neceffiiry pcrfons. 

Things being thus prepared, Mafon began 
his law-fuits by a writ againfl Major Wal- 
dron, (who had always diftinguifhed himielf 
in oppofition to his claim) for holding lands 
and felling timber to the amount of four 
thoufand pounds. The majo" appeared in 
court, and challenged every o ne of the jury 
as interefled perfons, fome of them having 
taken leafes of Mafon, and all of them living 
upon the lands which he claimed. The judge 
then caufed the oath of voire dire to be ad- > 

minillered to each juror, purporting " that 
" he was not concerned in the landr; in quef^ 
" tion, and that he lliould neither gain nor 
" lofe by the caufe." Upon which the ma- 
jor faid aloud to the people prefent, " That 
" his was a leading cafe, and that if he were 
" call they mud all become tenants to Ma- 
" fon ; and that all perfons in the province , -. 
" being interefted, none of them could legally files. 
/' be of the jury." The cafe however went 
on ; but he made no defence, afferced no title, 
and gave no evidcice on his part. Judgment 
was given againil him and at the next court 
of felfions he was fined five pounds for "mu- 
" tinous and feditious words." 



# 



162 HISTORY Of 

1683w Suits were then inftituted againft all the 
principal landholders in the province, whOj 
following Waldron's example, never made 
any defence. Some, chiefly of Hampton, 
gave in writing their reafons for not joining 
ifiue ; which were, the refufal of Mafon to 
comply with the dire<5lions in the commif- 
fion ; the impropriety of a jury's deter- 
mining what the king had exprefsly referved 
to himfelf ; and the incompetency of the 
jury, they being ail interefted perfons, one of 
whom had faid that " he would fpend his 
" eftate to make Mafon' s right good." Thefe 
reafons were irritating rather than convinc- 
ing to the court. The jury never heiitated 
in their verdi6ls. From feven to tw^elve 
caufes were difpatched in a day, and the cofbj 
were multiplied from five to twenty pounds. 
* Executions were iffued, of which two or 

three only were levied ; but Mafon could 
ivis in neither keep poffefTion of the premifes nor 
Weare's difpofe of theui by file, {o that the owners 
^*ss. ^^|[ eiijoyed them. Several threatened to 
appeal to the king but Major Vaughan alone 
made the experiment. 

A fuit was alfo commenced acralnfb Martvn 
who had been treafurer, for the fines and 
forfeitures received by him, during the for- 
mer adminiflration ; and judgment was re- 
covered for feventy one pounds with colls, 
Martyn petitioned Mafon as chancellor, fet-* 
ting forth th^t he had received and difpofed 
of the money according to the orders of the 
late prefident and council, and praying that 
the whole burden might not lie upon him. 
A decree was then iffued for the other iur- 
viving members of the late council, and the 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 166 

Jieirs of thofe who were dead, to bear their 1683. 
proportion. This decree was afterward re- j^gs in 
verfed by the king in council. £i«3. 

Cranlieid with his council had now afRim- 
ed the whale legillative power. They pro- 
hibited vellels from. Mailachufetts to enter 
the port, becanle the adls of trade were not 
obferved in that colony : They fixed the di- , 
menfions of merchantable lamber ; altered 
tlie value of fiiver money, which had always 
paHsd by weight at fix ihiilings and eight- 
pence per ounce ; and ordered that dollars 
ihould be received at fix ihiilings each, which 
was then a great hardlhip j as many of them 
were greatly deficient in weight : They alfo 
changed the bounds of townfhips ; eftab- 
Lilied fees of office ; made regulations for 
the package of filh, and ordered the confta- 
bles to ibrbear colledling any town or parifli Co«n(ji 
taxes nill the province tax was paid, and the 
^accounts fettled with the treafurer. 

The public grievances having become in- 
fupportable, the people -wjere driven to the 
necefiity of making a vigorous (land for their 
liberties. The only regular way was by 
complaint to the king. Having privately 
communicated their fentiments to each other^ 
and raifed money hj fubfcription, they ap- 
pointed Nathaniel Weare, Efq. of Hampton 
their agent ; and the four towns having 
drawn and fubfcribed diflincl petitions of 
fche fame tenor, Weare privately withdrew 
to Eofton from whence he failed for Eng- 
land, Major \'aughan who accompanied 
him to Bollon, and was appointed to pro- 
cure dcpOiitions to fend after him, was upon 
l^is return to Portfmouth, brought to an ex^ 



164 HISTORY OF 

1683. amination, treated with great infolence and 
required to find fureties for his good behav- 

Mss in iour ; which, having broken no law, he re- 
fufed* ; and was by the governor's own war- 
rant immediately committed to prifon ; where 
he was kept nine months to the great dam- 
age of his health, and of his own as well as 
the people's intereft. 

1684. Amidfl thefe multiplied opprefTions, Cran- 
field was flill difappointed of the gains he 
had expelled to reap from his office ; and 
found to his great mortification, that there 
was no way of fupplying his wants, but by 
application to the people, through an affem- 
bly. He had already abufed them fo much 
that he could hope nothing from their fa- 
vour ; and was therefore obliged to have 
recourfe to artifice. On a vague rumour of 
a foreign war, he pretended much concern 
for the prefervation of the province from in- 
vafion ; and prefuming that they would fliew 
the fame concern for themfelves, he called 
aii aifembly at Great-Ifland where he refid- 
ed, to whom he tendered a bill, which in a 
manner totally unparliamentary, had been 
drawn and pafTed by the council, for raifmg 
money to defray the expence of" repairing the 
fort, and fupplying it with ammunition, and 
for ot/jer neceffary charges of government. 
The houfef debated a while, and adjourned 

* In this refusal ht is countenanced hy the example of the great Selclen. 
:a\d other members of parliament ulio were imprisoned hy order of Cliarles I. 
jn 1629. ' Macaulcy's Hist Eng. 8vo. Vol. 2. r^ige 72. 

t The Members of tliis assembly were. 

For Povtsmouth. Hampton. 

Richard. Waidron, jun. spesker, Anthony Staiiyoij, 
Philip Lewis, Tcsep'i Smitl;. 

Joh.n Pickerio'}-. i»>hn Srnjtljj 



Jaunar. 14. 



t 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 165 



for the night, and the tide ferving, the mem- 1684. 
bers went up to the town. In the morning 
they returned the bill with their negative ; 
at whicli the governor was highly enraged, 
and telling them that they had been to con- 
fult with Moody, and other declared enemies 
of the king and church of England, he dif- 
folved them ; and afterward by his influence 
with the court of feflions, divers of the mem- 
bers were made conftables for the following ^au'^ia^t^ 
year. Some of them took the oath, and Journal. 
others paid the fine which was ten pounds. 
Thus by a mean and execrable revenge, he 
taxed thofe whom he could not perfuade to 
tax their conftituents for his purpofes. 

But Moody was marked as an objedl of 
peculiar vengeance. He had for fome time 
rendered himfelf obnoxious by the freedom 
and plainnefs of his pulpit difcourfes, and 
his ftri^lnefs in adminiftering the difcipline 
of the church ; one inftance of which merits 
particular notice. Randolph having feized a 
veffeljilie was in the night carried out of the 
harbour. The owner, who was a member 
of the church, fwore that he knew nothing 
of it ; but upon trial there appeared ftrong 
iiifpicions that he had perjured himfelf. He 
found means to make up the matter with the 
governor and colledlor ; but Moody, being 
Lt)ncerned for the purity of his church, re- 
quefted of the governor copies of the evi- 
dence, that the offender might be called to 
account in the way of ecclefiaflical difcipline. 
Cranfield fternly refufed, faying that he had 



Dover. 


Exeter. 


John Gerrish, 


Robert Smart, 


John Woodman, 


Thomas Wiggen. 


Anthony Nutter, 


(Court Records.) 



166 HISTORY OY 

1684. forgiven him, and that neither the church 
nor minifter fhould meddle with him ; and 
even threatened Moody in cafe he fliould. 
Not intimidated, Moody confulted the church 
and preached a fermon againil falfe {wear- 
ing ; then the offender, being called to ac- 

Records. * couut, was ccufured, and at length brought 
to a public confeflion. This procedure ex- 
tremely difgufled the governor who had no 
way then in his power to fhew his refent- 
ment. But malice, ever fruitful in expedi- 
ents to attain its ends, fuggefled a method, 
which to the fcandal of the Englilli nation, 
has been too often pradlifed. The penal 
laws againft nonconformifts were at this 
time executing with great rigour in England; 
and Cranfieid, ambitious to ape his royal 
mailer, determined to play off the ecclefiafli- 
xal artillery here, the diredlion of which he 
fuppofed to be deputed to him with his other 
powers. He had attempted to impofe upon 
the people the obfervation of the thirtieth of 
January as a faft, and reftriiin them from 
manuel labour at Chriilmas ; but his capi- 
tal (troke was to iffue an order in council 
" that after the firit of Januarv, the minif- 
** ters fliould admit all perfons of fuitable 
" years and not vicious, to the Lord's fnp- 
"per, and their children to baptifm ; and 
" that if any perion fliould defire baptifm 
" or the other facrament to be adminiftered 
" according to the liturgy of the church of 
" England, it fliould be done in purfiiancc 
" of the king's command to the colony of 
" Mafliichufetts'''^ ; and any miuifler refufing 

* This command was concPivpu in the foilowin^qf terms : 
*• Ar.d rince th? prijiciple and foundation of thnt charter was anc! i',fK&- 



Nl:V/-HAMPSHl"RF. 161 

'* fo to do fliould fufFer the penalty of the 1684 
" ftatutes of uniformity." 

The fame week in which he diffolved the 
affembly, he fignified to Moody in writing, 
by the hands of the iherifF, that himfelf, with 
Mafon and Hinckes, intended to partake of 
the Lord's fupper the next funday ; requir- 
ing him to adminifter it to them according 
to the liturgy ; and, as they juftly expected, 
he at once denied them. The way was now 
opened for a perfecution ; and the attorney 
general Jofeph Rayn, by the governor's ord- 
er exhibited an information at the next court ^^' ^* 
of feffions, before Waiter Barefoote judge, 
Nathaniel Fryer and Henry Greene alllftants, 
Peter Coffin, Thomas Edgerly and Henry 
Robie juflices, fetting forth, " that Jofhua 
" Moody clerk, being minifter of the town of 
^* Portfmouth within the dominions of King 
*' Charles, w^as by the duty of his place and 
" the laws of the realm, viz. the ftatutes of 
" the fifth and fixth of Edward VI, the firft 
"of Elizabeth, and the thirteenth and four- 
** teenth of Charles II, required to adminifter 
" the Lord's fupper in fuch form as was fet 
** forth in the book of common prayer, and 
*' no other. But that the faid Moody in con- 
" tempt of the law^s had wilfully and obfti- 

lom and liberty of conscience ; Wee do hereby charge and require you tliat 
Irecdom and liberty be duely admitted and allowed, so that they that desire 
to use the booke of common prayer and perform their devotion in that man- 
r.or that is establisb.ed here be not denyed the exerase thereof, or undergoe a- King 
iiy prejudice or disadvantage thereby, they using their liberty peaceably with- Charleses 
t)Ut any disturbance to others ; and that all persons of good and honest lives Letter in 
nnd conversatioiis be admitted to the sjicrament of the Lord's supper accord- Hutchin.' 
Ing to said bocke of common prayer, and their children to baptism.'' col. pap- 

This .-omniand c^niiot consistently vvitli the acknowledged principle and p, 378^ 
strict limitation, lie const! i\ed any other \vzy, tlian that the use of the liturgy 
should be permitted to such ministers and people as desired it. To compel 
tiiinisters to use it, and leave al! ithcr? ?t liberty, -xzs a ccrst-ructior; that 
•vil'ce alonj could stiggcst. 



168 HISTORY OP 

1684. '^nately refufed to adminifler the fame t6 
" the Honourable Edward Cranfield, Robert 

Mss in a Mafon, and John Hinckes, and did obfti-^ 
" nately nfe fome other form." Moody in 
his defence pleaded that he was not epifco- 
paliy ordained as the llatutes required ; nor 
did he receive his maintenance according to 
them ; and therefore was not obliged to 
' . the performance of what had been com*- 
manded ; that the alledged ftatutes were not 
intended for thefe plantations, the known and 
avowed end of their fettlement being the en- 
joyment of freedom from the impoiition of 
thofe laws ; which freedom was allowed and 

Ports, chh. confirmed by the king, in the liberty of con- 
fcience granted to all proteflants, in the gov- 

vaughan's cmor's commifTion. Four of the Juftices, 

Journal. ^^-^^ Grecnc, Robie, Edgerly and Fryer were 
at firft for acquitting him ; but the matter 
being adjourned till the next day, Cranfield 
found means before morning to gain Robie 
and Greene, who then joined with Barefoote 
and Coffin, in fentencing him to fix months 
imprifonment, without bail or mainprize. 
The other two perfifted in their former o- 
pinion, and were foon after removed from 
all their offices. Moody was immediately 
ordered into cuftody, without being permit- 
^ ted firft to fee his family ; and he remained 
' under confinement, in company with Major 
Vaughan, at the houfe of Captain Stileman, 
with liberty of the yard, for thirteen weeks ; 
" his benefice" being declared forfeited to the 
crown. The next week after Moody's trial, 
the governor in a profane bravadg fent word 
to Seaborn Cotton miniiler of Hampton, that 

ToS""^ "when he had prepared his foul, he v/ould 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 169 

'' come and demand the facrament of him as 1684. 
" he had done at Portfmouth." Upon which ■^^^^Yan-'t 
Cotton withdrew to Bofton. The minifter Journal, 
of Dover, John Pike, was (fo far as I can find) 
\inmolefled. Exeter had then no fettled 
minifter. 

During Moody's imprifonment, Cranfield 
would neither fuffer him to go up to the 
town to preach, nor the people to aflemble 
at the ifland to hear, nor the neighbouring 
■ minifters to fupply his place ; only the fam- 
ily where he was confined were permitted to 
be prefent with him at fabbath exercifes. 
But while the governor was abfent on a tour 
to New- York, Mafon ga\^e leave for opening 
the meeting-houfe twice, when they obtained 
a minifter to officiate ; he alio allowed both 
Moody and Vaughan to make a fliort vifit vaughan'^ 
to their families. At length, by the inter- '""r"^'- 
pofttion of friends, Moody obtained a re- 
leafe, though under a ftridl charge to preach 
no more Vv^thin the province, on penalty of 
farther imprifonment. He then accepted 
an invitation from the firft church in Bof- 
con ; where being out of the reach of his 
perfecutors, he was employed as a preacher, 
and was fo highly efteemed that upon the 
death of Prefident Rogers he was invited to ^Jj^^ 
*:ake tl^ overfight of the college, which he Records, 
.modeftly declined, and continued his minify 
trations at Bofton, frequently vifiting his 
deftitute church at Portfmouth, at their pri- 
vate meetings, till 1692 ; when, the govern- 
ment being in other hands, and the eaftern 
country under trouble by the Indians, at 
the earneft requeft of his people, and by the onginsri 

ardvicc of an ecclefiaftical council, he return- ^^^ 

X 



170 HISTORV OF 

1684. ed to his charge at Portfmouth, and fpent 
the reft of his days there in ufefulnefs, love 
and peace*. 

Upon a calm review of this profecution, 
one can hardly tell v^hich is moft deteftable, 
the vindidlive temper w^hich gave it birth ; 
or the profanenefs and hypocrify with which 
it was condu6led. The pretended zeal of 
the profecutors was totally inconiiftenc w4th 
' a due regard to thofe law^s, and the princi- 
ples of that church, for which d;ey made 
themfelves fuch contemptible champions. 
For it had been long before this time, a re- 
ceived opinion in the church oi England, 
that the validity of all the facramental ad- 
miniftrations depends on authority derived 
from the apoftles, by ej if copal ordination, in 
an uninterrupted fucceflion ; and one of the 
ftatutes on which the profecution was ground- 
ed enacfls, * that no perfon lliall prefume to 

irca^r^n. * confecrate and adminifter the Lord's fup- 
'per, before he be ordained a prieft by epif- 
* copal ordination, on pain of forfeiting for 
' every offence one hundred pounds.' The 
minifters then in the province, being defti- 
tute of the grand pre-requiiite, were incapa- 
ble by the a6l, of doing what was fo peremp- 
torily required of them ; and had they com- 
plied with the governor's order, muft have 
expofed themfelves to the penalty, if he had 
pleafed to exad: it from them. But the ex- 
tending thefe penalties to the king's Ameri- 
can fubje(5ls, who had fled hither from the 
rod of prelatic tyranny, was a moil: unwar- 

* He died at Boston, being; tlicre on a visit, July 4, 1697, aged 65. Di 
Cotton Mather prencbed his funeral sennon from rets vi. 13. " They $av 
his fece^as it bad been the face of an angel." Magnalia, lib. 4. cap. 7. 



\ 



NEV/-HAMrSHIR£. 171 

rantable ilretch of power ; fmce the lalt of 1684. 
thefe acfts, and the only one which had been 
made fmce the fettlement of the colonies, 
v/as expreisly reflridled in its operation, to 
'' the realm of England, dominion of Wales, 
^' and town of Berwick upon Tweed." 

Difappointed in all his fchemes for raifing 
money by an aiiembly, Cranfield next ven-- 
Uired on the projedl of taxing the people 
without their confent. The pretext for this 
was a claufe in the commiiTion, impowering 
him, with the council, " to continue fuch 
" taxes as had been formerly levied, until a 
" general affembly could be called." This 
had been done, without offence, at the be- 
ginning both of this and the former admin* 
iftration, when the change of government 
rendered it neceffary. But the council, 
though too much devoted to him, were not 
eafily perfuaded into the meafure at this 
time ; till fear at length accomplilhed what 
reafon could not approve : for, letters being 
received from the eaftward, informing of 
the difcovery of a plot among the Indians, 
who were inftigated by Caftine the 
Frenchman to renew the war early in the ^^^ '^' 
fprinf^, the council were fummoned in hafte, 
and prefently agreed to the governor's pro- 
pofal, for continuing fuch taxes as had been 
formerly laid, wdiich he told them was ne- 
ceifary for the immediate defence and fecu- 
rity of the provincco This affair, however, 
was kept fecret for the prefent ; and the peo- 
ple were firfl: to be convinced of the gover^ 
nor's paternal care and kindnefs in taking 
the necellary precautions ibr their fafety. It March is 
was ordered that the meLtin^-houfes in each 



172 HISTORY Ol- 

1684. town fliould be fortified, and bye garrifbns 
were eflabliflied in convenient places : Sup- 
plies of amnmnition were ordered to be pro- 
vided : Circular letters were difpatched to 
the governors of the neighbouring colonies, 
informing them of the danger ; and, to 
crown the whole, Cranfield himfelf, at the 
requefl of the council, undertook a tour to 
New-York to folicit the governor, Dongan, 
for a number of the Mohav/ks to come down 

connci! and deflroy the eaftern Indians ; promifing 
to pay them for their ibr vices out of the 

vaughan's j^Quev whicli v/as thus to be railed. 

Journal. • J ■•■ ^ n -i r ■* 

At his return from this excurlion, he found 
himfelf under fonie embarrafsment in his 
favourite views, from a letter of the lords of 
trade, which directed him to make ufe of an 
alfembly, in raifmg money on the people. 
May 27. pj^ could not, therefore, avoid calling one, 
though he immediatoly dilfolvcd it, becaule 
feveral of the members vvcre thofe whom he 
had formerly ordered to be made coiiftables. 
At the lame time, in his letters to the fccre- 
tary of Hate, he reprefented the alfembly as 
perlb^is of flich a mutinous imd rebellious 
dilpofition, that it was not fafe to let them 
convene ; that they had never given any 
thing toward the fupport of government ; 
that he was obliged to" raife money without 
them ; and that it was impoifible for him to 
ferve his majeil"y's intercil without a fhip ot 
war to enforce his orders ; and finally he 
dcftrcd leave to go to the XVeft-liidics for the 
recovery of his health. AVhen this buli- 
]^Qi^:-, V, as di {"patched, warrants v/ci-e iifued 
for collccling the taxes ; which cauled frelh 
m^^r^^inngs imd diiconten-t aniongthe people. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 173 

But however difafFedled to the governor 1684. 
-and his creatures, they were always ready to 
teflify their obedience to the royal orders ; 
an inflance of which occurred at this time. 
The feas of America and the Weft-Indies be- 
ing much infelted with pirates, the king 
fent orders to all the governors and colony 
aircmblies, direding ads to be made for the 
fuppreffing of piracy and robbery on the 
high feas. Cranfield, having received this juiy22. 
order, ilimmoned an aifembly ; and though 
it conlilted almoft entirely of the fame per- 
fons who were in the lait ; he iliffered them 
to pals the adl, and then quietly diilolved ^^^^^^ 

them : This was the laft aifembly that ever Records, 
Till . - ^^j j^jgj^ 

he called. 

The tax-bills were firft put into the hands 
of the newly made conftables ; v/ho foon re- 
turned them, informing the governor that 
the people were foaverfe from the methodj 
that it was impoffible to collecfl the money. 
The provoft, Thomas Thurton, was then 
commanded to do it, with the afliflance of 
hi§ deputies and the conftables. The people 
ftill refufing compliance, their cattle and 
goods were taken by diftreint and fold by 
audlion : Thole who would neither pay 
'nor difcover their goods to the officers, were 
apprehended and imprifoned ; and fome of 
the conftables, who refufed to aftift, fuffered 
the fame fate. The raore confiderate of the 
people were difpofed to bear thefe grievances, 
though highly irritating, till they could 
knov/ the refult of their applications to the 
kiilg. But in a country where the love of 
•liberty hacl ever been the ruling paifion, it 
could not be expected but that fome forward 



174 HISTORY OF 

1684. fpirits would break the reftraints of pru- 
dence, and take a fummary method to put a 
flop to their opprefTions. Several perlbns 
had declared that they would fooner part 
with their lives, than liiffer diftreints ; and 
ailociations were formed for mutual fupport. 
At Exeter the Hieriff was refilled and driven 
off with clubs ; the women having prepared 

Dec. 29. hot fpits and fcalding water to afTift in the op- 
pofition, as Thurtan teftified in his- depofi- 
tion on the occalion. At Hampton he was 

January 22. beateu, and his fword was taken from him, j 
taen he was feated on an horfe, and convey- 
ed out of the province to Salifbury with a 
rope about his neck and his feet tied under 
the horfe's belly, Juftice Robie attempted to 
commit fome of the rioters ; but they were 
refcued by the way, and both the juflice and 
the fheriff were ilruck in the execution of 

ifcnuary 9. their office. The troop of horfe, under Ma- 
fon's command, was then ordere4 to turn 
out comDletely mounted an-d armed, to alTift 
in fupprefling the diforders ; but when the 
day came not one trooper appeared. Cr^n- 

Mss in f^^Qi^i ^\^^^^ finding Ids eiforts ineffedlual, and 
his authority contemptible, was obliged to 
defilt. 

This agent had been a long time in Eng- 
land, w^aiting for the depofitions, which 
were to have been tranfmitted to him, in 
^ fupport of the complaint which he was to. 
exhibit. Cranfield and his creatures here 
did all that they could, to retard the buii- 
nefs ; firfl by imprifoning Vaughan, and 
then by refufmg to fummon and fwear wit- 
nelles when applied to by others ; who were 
pbliged to go into the neighbouring govern' 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 175 

ments, to get their depolitions authenticated ; 1684. 
and after all, the proof was defective, as they 
had not accefs to the public records. The 
agent, however, exhibited his complaint a-juiyn. 
gainft Cranfield in general terms, coniifting 
of eight articles. ' That he had engrofled 

* the powxr of eredling courts, and eflablifh- 

* ing fees exclufive of the alfembly : That 

* he had not followed the diredlions in his 

* commiflion refpecling Mafon's controver- 
' fy ; but had caufed it to be decided on the 
' fpot by courts of his own conllitution, con- 

"^ fifling wholly of perfons devoted to his in- 

* terefl : That exorbitant charges had been 

* exacted and feme who were unable to fat- 

* isfy them had been imprilbned : That oth- 
' ers had been obliged to fubmit, for want 
' of ni'oney to carry on the fuits : That he 

* had altered the value oi filver money : 

* That he had imprifoned fundry perfons 

* without juft caufe : That he with his coun- 

* cii had aHumed iegillative authority, with- 

* out an aiTembly ; and, that he had done 

* his utmoft to prevent the people from lay- 

« ing their complaints before the king, and ^ss^' 

* procuring the nocefTary evidence.' 

The complaint was, in courfe, referred tojuiyss 
the board of trade ; who tranfmitted copies 
of it, and of the feveral proofs, to Cranfield, 
and fummoned him to make his defence ; 
direcling hini to deli ver to the adverfe party 
roprcs of all the affidavits which ihould be 
taken in his favour ; to let all perfons have 
free accefs to the records ; imd to give all 
needful affiflance to them in coUedling tlieiribi* 
evidence againft him. 

When lie had reccnved this letter he fvf- 



167 HISTORY OF 

1684. pended Mafon's fuits, till the queflion con- 
cerning the legality of the courts fhould be 
decided. He alfo ordered the fecretary to 
give copies to thofe who fhould apply for 
them. At the llime time it was complained 
that the people, on their part, had been 
equally relerved, in fecreting the records of 
the feveral towns ; fo that Mafon upon en- 
quiry could not find where they were depof- 
ited ; and the town clerks, when lummoned, 
had folemnly fworn that they kne\v neither 

Mss in the vvrhere the books were concealed, nor who 
had taken them out of their pofTefTion. 

1685. The neceifary evidence on both fides be- 
ing procured, a new complaint was drawn 
up, confiliing of twelve articles, which were, 

* That at the fir ft feffion of the afTembly 

* Craufield had challenged the power of legif- 

* lation and fettlement of the affairs to him- 

* felf againll the words of the commifTion : 
' That he had by purchafe or mortgage from 
' Mafbn, made himfelf owner of the province, 

* and fo was not likely to acfl impartially be- 

* tween Mafon and the inhabitants : That he 
' had made courts, whereof both judges and 

* jurors had agreed with Mafon for their own 

* lands, and fome had taken deeds of him for 

* other men's lands, fo that they were engag- 
' ed by their intereft to fet up Mafon's title ; 

* That Mafon had fued forty pcrfons, and 

* caft all ; and that the governor's interpofal 
' to ftate the cafes, as by liis commiihon he 
' was direcfted, had been refufed though de- 
' fired ; and that the defendants pleas ground- 

* ed on the laws of England were rejedled : 
' That they could not reconcile the verdict 
^ with the attachment, nor the execution 



n?w-k;ampshire. HT 

' with the verdid, nor their pracflice under 1635, 
colour of the execution with either ; that 
the verdidl found the lands fued for ac- 
cording to the royal conimillion and iii- 
i];ruclions, and that commillion only gave 
power to ftate the cafe if Mafon and the 
people could not agree ; but the execution 
took land and all : That the charge of 
every adlion was about lix pounds, though 
nothing was done in court, but reading the 
commiiTion and fome blank grants without 
hand or feal ; and thefe were not read for 
one cafe in ten : That court charges were 
exacted in money, which many had not j 
who though they tendered cattle, were com- 
mitted to prifon for non-payment : That 
miniflers, contrary to his majefty's com- 
miiTion, which granted liberty of confcience 
to all proteftants, had their dues withheld 
from them, even thofe that were due be-^ 
fore Cranfield came, and were threatened 
with fix months imprifonment for not ad- 
niiniftering the facrament according to the 
liturgy : That though the general aflem- 
bly agreed that Spanifh money fliould pafs 
by weight, the governor and council order- 
•ed pieces of eight to pafs for fix fhillings, 
though under weight : That men were 
commonly compelled to enter into bonds 
of great penalty, to appear and anfwer to 
w^hat fhould be objetfted againft them, 
when no crime was alledged : That they 
had few laws but thofe made by the gov- 
ernor and council, when his commiflion di- 
redled the general affembly to make laws : 
That the courts were kept in a remote cor- 
ner of the province ; and the fhef iff was a 

Y 



178 HISTORY OF 

1685. ' ftr'anger and had no vifible ellate, and fo 
MsT^ ' ^^^ ^^^ refponfible for failures/ 

Upon this complaint, an hearing was had 
before the lords of trade on Tuefday the 
tenth of March ; and their lordfhips report- 
ed to the king, on three articles only of the 
complaint viz. ' That Cranfield had not 
' purfued his inftrudlions with regard to Ma- 

* fon's controverfy ; but inftead thereof had 
' caiifed courts to be held and titles to be 
*^ decided, with exorbitant cofls ; and that 

* he had exceeded his power in regulating 

* the value of coins.' This report was ac- 
cepted, and the king's pleafure therein figni- 
fied to him. At the fame time, his requeft 
for abfence being granted, he, on receipt of 

Ncai'sHist. ^^^ letters, privately embarked on board a 
and Fitch's vefTcl for Jamaica ; and from thence went 
to England, where he obtained the colledlor- 
fhip of Barbadoes. At his departure, Bare- 
foote the deputy-governor took the chair ; 
which he held till he was fuperfeded by 
Dudley's commiffion, as prefident of New- 
England. 

Cranfield's ill condu6l muft be afcribed in 
a great meafure to his difappointment of the 
^ains which he expedled to acquire, by the 
eflablilhment of Mafon's title ; which could 
be his only inducement to accept of the gov- 
ernment. This difappointment inflaming 
his temper, naturally vindicative and impe- 
rious, urged him to adlions not only illegal^ 
but cruel and unmanly. A ruler never de- 
grades his characSler more than when he per-* 
verts public juftice to gratify perfonal refent- 
ment ; he fhould punifh none but the ene- 
mies of the laws, and diflurbers of the peace 



MS. 



NS:W-HAMPSHIRE. 179 

i»f the community over which he prefides. 1685. 
Had there been the leaft colom% either of 
zeal or pohcy, for the feverity exercifed in 
the profecution of Moody, candour would 
oblige us to make fome allowance for hu- 
man frailty. His ordering the members of 
the aflembly to be made conftables, was a 
mode of revenge difgraceful to the charadler 
of the fupreme magiftrate. From the fame ^eai, vo? 
bafe difpoiition, he is faid to have employed 2, p- 39> 
fpies and pimps, to find matter of accufation 
againil people in their clubs, and private dif- 
courfe. And his deceit was equal to his 
malice ; for, being at Bofton when the char- 
ter of that colony was called in queflion, and 
the people were folicitous to ward off the 
danger ; he advifed them to make a private 
offer of two thoufand guineas to the king, 
promifing to reprefent them in a favourable 
light ; but when they, not fufpedling his in- 
tention, followed his advice, and fhev/ed him 
the letter which they had wrote to their a- 
gents for that purpofe, he treacheroufly re- 
prefented them as " diiloyal rogues ;" and HutcWn. 
m.ade them appear fo ridiculous that their a- ^°'^*' f^Sf. 
gents were aihamed to be feen at court. 
However, when he had quitted the country, 
and had time for reflecSlion, he grew afliam- 
ed of his mifcondud:, and while he was col- 
le6lor at Barbadoes, made a point of treating 
the mailers of veffels, and other perfons who **' ^ - ' 
went thither from Pafcataqua, with particur 
lar refpecl. 

Although the decifion of titles in Cran- 
field's coiu'ts had been reprefented, in the 
report of the lords, as extrajudicial, and a 
yqy^l order had been thereupon iffued t^o 



ISO HISTORY or 

1685. fufpend any farther proceedings in the cafe 
of Mafbn, till the matter fliould be brought 
before the king in council, purfuant to the 
directions in the commiffion ; yet Barefoote 
ilifFered executions which had before been 
iffued to be extended, and perfons to be im- 
prifoned at Mafon's fuit. This occalioned 
a frefh complaint and petition to the kin^, 
which was fent by Wear^, who about this 
time made a fecond voyage co England, as agent 
for the province and attorney to Vaugh^n, 
weare's to manage an appeal from feverai verdidls, 
Mss. judgments, decrees and fines which had been 
given againft him in the courts here, one of 
which was on the title to his eflate. An at- 
tempt being made to .levy one of the execu- 
tions in Dover, a number of perfons forcibly 
refilled the officer^ and obliged him to relin- 
Mss in quiih his delign. Warrants v/ere then iifued 
againfi: the rioters, and the IherifF with his 
attendants attempted to feize them, while the 
people were alTembled for divine fervice. 
This caufed an uproar in the congregation, 
in which a young heroine diftinguiflied her- 
felf by knocking down one of tbe officers 
with her bible. They were all io roughly 
handled that they were glad to efcape with 
their lives. 

That nothing might be wanting to fhew 
the enmity of the people to tlieie meafures, 
and their hatred and contempt for the au- 
fiies. thors of them ; there are flill preferved the 

original depofitions on oath, of Barefoote and 
Mafon, relating to an allault made on their 
perfons by Thomas Wi ggen and Anthony 
Nutter, who had been members of the afiem- 
3cvc, 30- t>ly. Thefc two men came to Bar^ioote's 



Ales 



MSS in 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 181 

houfe wiiere Mafon lodged, and entered into 1685« 
difcourfe with him about his proceedings ; 
denying his claim, and uling fuch language 
as provoked him to take hold of Wiggen, 
with an intention to thrufl him out at the 
door. But Wiggen being a flronger man 
feized him by his cravat, and threw him in- 
to the fire ; where his clothes and one of his 
legs were burned. Barefoote, attempting to 
help him, met with the fame fate, and had 
two of his ribs broken and one of his teeth 
beaten out in the ftruggle. The noife alarm- 
ed the fervants, who at Mafon s command 
brought his fword, which Nutter took away, 
making fport of their mifery*. 

Nothing elfe occurred during Barefoote's 
Ihort adminiflration, except a treaty of friend- 
ihip, between the Indians of Penacook and 
Saco, on the one part ; and the people of 
New-Hampfliire and Maine on the other. 
The foundation of this treaty feems to have 
been laid in Cranfield's project of bringing 
down the Mohawks on the eaftern Indians ; 
which had once before proved a pernicious 
meafure ; as they made no diflincflion be- 
tween thofe tribes which were at peace with 
the Englifli, and thofe which were at war. 

* A fartlier specinicn of tlie contempt in which these men were held, even 
by the lower class of people, expressed in their own genuine language, may 
be seen in tlie following affidavit : 

" Mary Kann, aged thirty yearsor thereabout, witnesseth, that the 21 day 
of March 84, being in company with Seabank Hog, I heard her say ; it was 
very hard for the governor of this province to strike Sam. Seavy before ht 
• poke ; the said Hog said also that it was well the said Seavy's mother was 
liot tliere for the governor, for if she had, there had been bloody work for 
him. I heard the said Hog say also, that the governor and the rest of the 
gentlemen were a crew of pitiful curs, and did they want earthly honour ? if 
(hey did, she would pvill off her head clothes and come in her hair to them, 
like a parcel of pitiful be2"<4'arly curs as they were ; come to undous both body 
and soul ; they could not be contented to take our estates from us, but they 
have taken away the gospel also, which the devil would have them for it." 
>' Swora in the court of picas held at Great Island the 7 of Nov. 1684. 

R. Chan.berlain, Prothon." 



182 HISTORY OF 

1685. Some of the Penacook Indians who had been 
at Albany after Cranfield's journey to New- 
York, reported on their return, that the Mo- 
hawks threatened deftrudlion to all the eaft-r 
ern Indians, from Narrhaganfet to Pechyp- 
fcot. Hagkins, a chief of the tribe, had in- 
formed Cranfield in the fpring of the danger 
he apprehended, and had implored affiftance 
and protedlion, but had been treated with 
negledl. In Augufl the Penacook and Saco 
Indians gathered their corn, and removed 
their families ; which gave an alarm to their 
Englifli neighbours, as if they were prepar- 
ing for war. Me^lTengers being fent to de- 
mand the reafon of their movement, were 
informed that it was the fear of the Mo- 
hawks, whom they daily expedled to deftroy 
them ; and being aiked why they did not 
come in among the Englifli for protedlion. 
they anfwered left the Mohawks fliould hurt 
the Englifli on their account. Upon this they 
were perfuaded to enter into an agreement ; 
and accordingly their chiefs being afTembled 

Sept. 8. with the council of New-PIampfliire, and a 
deputation from the province of Maine, a 
treaty was concluded, wherein it was ftipulat- 
ed, that all future perfonal injuries on either 
fide fhould, upon complaint, be immediately 
redrefTed ; that information fhould be given 
of approaching danger from enemies ; that 
the Indians fliould not remove their families 
from the neighbourhood of the Englilh with- 
out giving timely notice, and if they did that 
it fliould be taken for a declaration of war ; 
and, that v/hile thcfe articles w^ere obferved, 

onginai the EugUfli would aiTiil and protedl them a- 

%!^ ''^ ^ '^ gainft tlie Mohawks ^nd all other enem^ieiji. 



NEW-HAMPSHITIE. 183 

The danger was but imaginary, and the 1685. 
peace continued about four years. 

Though Mafon was hitherto difappointed 1686. 
in his views of recovering the inhabited part 
of the province, he endeavored to lay a foun- 
dation for realizing his claim to the wafte 
lands. A purchafe having been made from 
the Indians, by Jonathan Tyng and nineteen 
others, of a tradl of land on both fides the 
river Merrimack, fix miles in breadth, from 
Souhegan river to Winnipifeogee lake ; Ma- 
fon by deed confirmed the fame, referving 
to himfelf and his heirs the yearly rent of AprU i5, 
ten fiiillings. This was called the million 
acre purchafe. About the fame time he foT^p- 
farmed out to Hezekiah Ufiier and his heirs, ^i^- 
the mines, minerals, and ores within the lim- 
its of New-Hampihire, for the term of one 
thoufand years ; referving to himfelf one 
quarter part of the royal ores, and one fev- 
venteenth of the bafer forts ; and having put ^^f^ ^ 
his alfairs here in the beft order that the 
times would a.dmit, he failed for England, to 
attend the hepaing of Vaughan's appeal to the 
king. 



][^4 HISTORY OF 



CHAP. IX.. 

Xhc admimstratiQn of Dudley as President^ and Androsse air 
governor of Nevj-Evgland. — Maf.oii's farther attempt. — Hu 
disappointment and death, -^RevoLxition.— Sale to AUenj-'^Hu 
i^ommi^^ion for the government. 



)• HEN an arbitrary government is 
determined to infringe the liberty of the 
people, it is eafy to find pretences to fupport 
the mod unrighteous claims. King Charles 
the fecond in the latter part of his reign wa& 
making large ftrides toward defpotifm. Char- 
ters, which obftrudled his pernicious views, 
were by a perverfion of the law decreed for- 
feited. The city of London, and moll of the 
corporations in England, either fufFered the 
execution of thefe fentences, or tamely fur- 
rendered their franchifes to the all-grafping 
hand of power. It could not be expelled 
that in this general wTeck of privileges the 
colonies of New-England could efcape. The 
people of Maflachufetts had long been view- 
Sr^p. ^^ with a jealous eye. Though the king had 
page 377. repeatedly alTured them of his protection, and 
folemnly confirmed their charter privileges ; 
yet their fpirit and principles were fo totally 
difTonant to the corrupt views of the court, 
that intriguing men found eafy accefs to the 
royal ear, with complaints againfl them. Of 
thefe the moft inveterate and indefatigable 

Hutch. . 

vol. i.page was Randolph, who made no lefs than eight 

529- voyages in nine years acrof ; the Atlantic, on 

this mifchievous bufmefs. They were ac~ 

cufed of extending their j^irifdiclion beyond 

the boxmds of their patent ; of invading the 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ♦"' 185 

prerogative by coining money ; of not al- 
lowing appeals to the king from their courts ; 
and, of obllru(5ling the execution of the nav- 
igation and trade laws. By the king's com- 
mand agents were fent over to anfwer to thefe 
complaints. They found the prejudice a- 
gainfl the colony fo ftrong, that it was in 
vain to with (land it ; and folicited inflruc- 
tions whether to fubmit to the king's pleafure, 
or to let the proceedings againft them be if- 
fued in form of law. A folemn confultation 
being held, at which the clergy affifled, it was 
determined " to die by the hands of others 
*' rather than by their own.'* Upon notice 
of this, the agents quitted England; and lo83. 
Randolph, as the angel of death foon follow- '^° ** 
ed them, bringing a writ of quo warranto 
from the king's bench ; but the fcire facias 
which ilTued from the chancery did not ar- 
rive till the time fixed for their appearance 
was elapfed : This however was deemed too 
trivial an error to flop the proceedings ; judg- 
mient was entered againft them, and the char- 
ter declared forfeited. 

The king died before a new form of gov- igg^. 
ernment was fettled ; but there could be no Feb. 6. 
hope of favor from his fuccefTor, who inher- 
ited the arbitrary principles of his brother, 
and was publicly known to be a bigoted 
papift. 

The intended alteration in the government 
was introduced in the fame gradual manner 
as it had been in New-Hamplhire. A com- 
miiTion v/as iifued, in which Jofeph Dudley, 
efquire, was appointed prelident of his maj- 
efty's territory and dominion of New-Eng- 
land : WiUiam Stoughton, deputy prefident ^ 



186 HISTORY OF 

1685. Simon Bradflreet, Robert Mafon, John Fitz 
Winthrop, John Pynchon, Peter Bulkley, 
Edward Randolph, Wait Winthrop, Richard 
Warton, John Ufher, Nathaniel Saltonftall, 
Bartholomew Gedney, Jonathan Tyng, Dud- 
ley Bradflreet, John Hinckes, and Edward 
Tyng, counfellors. Their jurifdicflion ex- 
tended over MafTachufetts, New-Hamplliire, 
Maine and the Narrhaganfet or King's prov- 
ince. Thefe gentlemen were moflly natives 
of the country, fome of them had been mag- 
iftrates, and one of them governor under the 
charter. No houfe of deputies was mention- 
ed in the commiflion. 
1686, The new form of government took place 
on the twenty fifth day of May ; and on the 
tenth of June an order of covmcil was ifTued 
for fettling the county courts, which confilf- 
ed of fuch members of the council as refided 
in each county, and any others of them who 
might be prefent ; with fuch juftices as were 
commiflioned for the purpofe. Thefe courts 
had the power of trying and iiTuing all civil 
caufes, and all criminal matters under life or 
limb ; from them an appeal was allowed to 
a fuperior court held three times in the year 
at Bofton, for the whole territory ; and from 
thence appeals, in certain cafes, might be had 
to the king in council. Juries were pricked 
by the marfhal and one juftice of each coun- 
ty, in a lifl given them by the feledlmen of 
the towns. A probate court was held at 
Boflon, by the prefident, and " in the other 
" provinces and remote counties" by a judge 
and clerk appointed by the prefident. The 
territory was divided into four counties, viz. 
Suffolk, Middlefex, EfTex and Hamplhire ; 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 187 

and three provinces, viz. New-Hampfhire, 1686. 
Maine, and King's province. By another or- Panted or- 
der of the fame date, town-taxes could not he files. 
aifeiTed but by allowance of two juftices ; 
and the members of the council were exempt- 
ed from paying any part thereof. 

Things were conduced with tolerable de- 
cency, and the innovations were rendered as 
little grievous as pofTible ; that the people 
might be induced more readily to fubmit to 
the long meditated introdu(5lion of a gover- 
nor-general. 

In December following. Sir Edmund An- 
droffe who had been governor of New- York, 
arrived at Boflon with a commiffion, appoint- 
ing him captain-general and governor in 
chief of the territory and dominion of New- 
England, in which the colony of Plymouth 
was now included. By this commiffion, the 
governor with his council, five of whom were 
a quorum, were impowered to make fuch 
laws, impofe fuch taxes, and apply them to 
fuch purpofes as they ihould think proper. 
They were alfo empowered to grant lands on ^s copy 
llich terms, and fiibjedl to fuch quit-rents, as °{^^? ^°^' 
fhould be appointed by the king. Inverted 
with fuch powers, thefe men were capable of 
the moll extravagant adlions. Though An- 
droffe, like his mafter, began his adminiilra- 
tion with the faireft profeffions, yet like him, 
he foon violated them, and proved himfelf a 
fit inftrument for accomplifhing the mofl exe- 
crable defigns. Thofe of his council who were 
backward in aiding his rapacious intentions 
were negledled. Seven being fufficient for a 
full board, he feledled fuch only as were de- 
moted to him, and with their concurrence did 



188 HISTORY OB 

1686. what he pleafed. Randolph and Mafon were 
Hutchin. ^^ ^^11 among his confidants ; but afterward 
344. when New- York was annexed to his govern- 
pap .^ 564. iT^ent, the members from that quarter were 

moft in his favour. 

1687. To particularize the many inftances of ty- 
ranny and opprefTion which the country fuf- 
fered from thefe men, is not within the de« 
fign of this work. Let it fuffice to obferve, 
that the prefs was reftrained ; liberty of con-- 
fcience infringed ; exorbitant fees and taxes 
demanded, without the voice or confent of 
the people, who had no privilege of reprefen- 

. tation. The charter being vacated, it was 

pretended that all titles to land were annul-r 

^Tew'°" led ; and as to Indian deeds, AndrofTe declar- 

Engiaiid ed them no better than " the fcratch of a 

5ustiaed, p. |^g,^j,,g p^^, » Landholders were obliged to 

take out patents for their eftates which they 
had pofTeiTed forty or fifty years ; for thefe 
patents extravagant fees were exa(5led, and 
thofe v/ho would not fubmit to this impofi- 
tion had Vta'its of intrufion brought againft 
them, and their land patented to others. To 
hinder the people from confulting about the 
redrcfs of their grievances, town-meetings 
were prohibited, except one in the month of 
May for the choice of town officers ; and to 
prevent complaints being carried to England, 
no perfon was permitted to go out of the 
country without exprefs leave from the gov- 
ernor. But nptwithftandj ng all the vigilance 
of the governor, his emiilaries and his guards, 
hfe^p.^107' t^^ refolute and indefatigable Increafe Math- 
er, irdnider of the fecond church in Bollon, 
and prefident of the college, got on board a 
ihip and failed fqr JEngland, with complaintjs 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 189 

in the name of the people againil the gover- 1687, 
nor, which he delivered with his own hand 
to the king ; but finding no hope of redrefs, 
he waited the event of the revolution which 
was then expedled. 

When the people groaned under fo many 1688. 
real grievances, it is no wonder that their fears 
and jealoulies fuggefted fome that were im- 
aginary. They believed AndrofTe to be a pa- 
pift ; that he had hired the Indians, and fup- 
plied them with ammunition to deftroy their Revolution 
frontier fettlements ; and that he was prepar- justified, p,^ 
ing to betray the country into the hands of 
the French. At the fame time, the large 
ftrides that King James the fecond was mak- 
ing toward the eftablifliment of popery and 
defpotifm, raifed the moft terrible apprehen- 
lions ; fo that the report of the landing of the 
Prince of Orange in England was received 
here with the greateft joy. AndroiFe was fo 
alarmed at the news, that he imprifoned the 
man who brought a copy of the prince's de- 
claration, and publifhed a proclamation com- 
manding all perfons to be in readinefs to op- 
pofe " any invafion from Holland," which 
met with as much difregard as ake he had if- 
fued before, appointing a day of thankfgiv- 
ing for the birth of a Prince of Wales. 

The people had now borne thefe innova- ^^°"* 
tions and impolitions for about three years : 
Their patience was worn out, and their na- 
tive love of freedom kindled at the profpedl 
of deliverance. The news of a complete revo- 
lution in England had not reached them. ; yet 
fo flmguine were their expedlations, fo eager 
were they to prove that they were animated 
by the fame i|^irit with their brethren at home, 



190 HISTORY OP 

1689. that upon the rumour of an intended mafla- 
cre in the town of Boflon by the governor's 
guards, they were wrought up to a degree of 
fury. On the morning of the eighteenth of 
April the town was in arms, and the country 
flocking in to their afliflance. The governor, 
and thofe whp had fled with him to the fort, 
were feized and committed to prifon. The 
gentlemen who had been magiftrates under 
the charter, with Bradilreet, the late gover- 
nor, at their head, afTumed the name of a 
council of fafety, and kept up a form of gov- 
ernment, in the exigency of affairs, till or- 
ders arrived from England ; when AndrolTe 
- and his accomplices were fent home as prif- 
oners of ftate, to be difpofed of according to 
the king's pleafure. 

The people of New-Hamplhire had their 
Ihare of fufFerings under this rapacious ad- 
miniftration ; and Mafon himfelf did not 
efcape. Having attended the hearing of 
Vaughan's appeal to the king which \%^s de- 
cided in Mafon's favour ; the judgment ob- 
>fov. 6, tained here, being affirmed • and having now 
'®*^' the fairefl profpecSl of realizing his claim, he 
returned hither in the fpring of 1687, but 
found his views obftru6led in a manner 
which he little expelled. The government 
was in the hands of a fet of hungry harpies, 
who looked with envy on the large fliare of 
coKmpers, territory which Mafon claimed, and were for 
p. 564. parceling it out among themfelves. The new 
^ judges delayed ifTuing executions on the 
judgments which he had formerly recovered, 
and the attorney-general, Graham, would 
not allow that he had power to grant lands 
by leafes. This confirmed the people i^ 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 191 

their opinion of the invalidity of his claim, 1689. 
and rendered them (if pofTible) more averfe 
from him than ever they had been. At length, ms in sup. 
however, he obtained from Dudley the chief ^o"" fi'«^- 
juflice, a writ of certiorari, diredled to the late 
judges of New-Hampfliire, by which his 
caufes were to be removed to the fupreme ^Sh**' 
court of the whole territory, then held at 
Bofton ; but before this could be done, death 
put an end to his hopes and relieved the peo- 
ple for a time of their fears. Being one of 
Sir Edmund's council, and attending him on ^j'^'iess, 
a journey from New- York to Albany ; he di- HutcWn. 
ed at Efopus, in the fifty ninth year of his 365. ' ^ 
age ; leaving two fons, John and Robert, the ^°"^*- 
heirs of his claim and controverfy. see. 

The revolution at Bofton, though extreme- 
ly pleafing to the people, of New-Hampfhire, 
left them in an unfettled ftate. They waited 
the arrival of orders from England ; but none 
arriving, and the people's minds being un- 
eafy, it was propofed by fome of the princi- 
pal gentlemen, that a convention of deputies 
from each of the towns fhould confider what 
was beft to be done. The conventionr-par- 
liament in England was a fufficient precedent 
to authorize this proceeding. Deputies were 

accordingly chofen* and inftrudled to refolve 

:"% 

* The members of this convention were, 
For Portsmouth. Jolm Tuttle, 

Major William Vaughan, John Roberts, 

Richard Waldron, Thomas Edgerl^, 

Kathaniel Fryer, Nicholas Foliet. 

Robert Kliot, For Exeter. 

Thomas Cobbett, Robert Wadley, 

Capt. John Pickering. William More, 

For Dover. Samuel Leavitt. 

Capt. John Woodman, [Portsmouth, Dovex ai)d Exeter 

Capt. Ji/hn Gerrish, Records.] 

It does not appear from Hampton records whether they joined in this con- 
vsiUionj or returned inaraediately to tlie government of Massachusetts. 



i^'ii HISTORY OF 

1690. upon lome method of government. At their 
M^pRec ^^^ meeting they came to no conclufion ; but 
Portsmou. aftcrward they thought it bell to return to 
SeTer^Re- thclr aucieut union with Maflachufetts. A 
cords. petition for this purpofe being prefented, they 

were readily admitted ; till the king's pleaf- 
i'/Larcb i». ure lliould be known and members were fent 
to the general court which met there in this 
pid the two following years. The gentlemen 
wjio had formerly been in commiffion for 
the peace, the militia and the civil offices, 
wer§ by town votes, approved by the general 
court, reftored to their places, and ancient 
laws and cufloms continued to be obferved. 
Had the inclination of the people been 

1691. confulted, they would gladly have been an- 
ne^fed to that government. This was well 

I. Mather's fenowu to Mather and the other agents, who 
life, page when foliciting for a new charter, earneflly 
requefted that New-Hampfliire might be in- 
cluded in it. But it was anfwered that the 
voKi/p! people bad exprefled an averiionfrom it and 
^^^* deiired to be under a diftindl government. 
This could be founded only on the reports 
which had been made by the commilTioners 
in 1665, and by Randolph in his narrative. 
The true reafon for denying the requeft was ; 
April 27. that Mafon's two heirs had fold their title to 
the lands in New-Hampfliire to Samuel Al- 
len of London, merchant ; for feven hundred 
and fifty pounds, the entail having been pre- 
j^igingup vioufly docked by a fine and recovery in the 
Court files, court of kiug's bench ; and Allen was now 
foliciting a recognition of his title from the 
crown, and a commiffion for the government 
of the province. When the inhabitants were 
informed of what was doing, they again af- 



neW-hampshii^e. 19B 

fembled by deputies in convention, and fent 1691. 
over a petition to the king, praying that they 
might be annexed to MalTachufetts. The pe- 
tition was prefented by Sir Henry Afhurft, 
and they were amufed with fome equivocal 

• r r r r i i i r -kt • Hutchinsoa 

promiles or lucceis by the earl or Notting- voi.2.p. e. 
ham ; but Allen's importunity coinciding 
with the king's inclination, efFecflually fruf- 
trated their attempt. The claim which Al- 
len had to the lands from Naumkeag to three 
miles northward of Merrimack, was noticed ^"™ 
in the MalTachufetts charter ; and he obtain- 
ed a commiflion for the government of New- 
Hampfhire, in which his fon in law John 
Uiher, then in London, was appointed lieu- 
tenant governor, with power to execute the 
coinmiilion in Allen's abfence. The counfel- 
lors named in the governor's inftrudlions 
were John Ullier, lieutenant governor, John 
Hinckes, Nathaniel Fryer, Thomas GrafFort, 
Peter Coffin, Henry Green, Robert Eliot, 
John Gerrilh, John Walford and John Love. 
The governor was inftruded to fend to the 
feclxtary of (late the names of fix other perfons 
fnitable for counfellors. Three were a quo- 
rum., but the inftruclions were that nothing 
fliould be done unlefs five were prefent ex- 
cept in extraordinary emergencies. Major 
Vaughan, Nathaniel Weare and Richard ms Copy 
Waldron were afterward added to the ^^^°™:*'^ 

, Council 

number. minute». 

The council was compofed of men who, 
ill general, had the confidence of the people ; 
but Ufher was very difagreeable, not only as. 
he had an intereil in Allen's claim to the 
lands, bur as he had bee\. one of Sir Edmund 

A A 



194 UiSTOkY6f 

1692. Androire's adherents, and an adlive indru- 
ment in the late oppreflive government. He 
arrived with the cOmmilTion and took upon 

^JS!. him the command, on the thirteenth day of 
Augufl. The people again fubmitted, with 
extrerne reludlance, to the unavoidable necef- 
fity of being under a government diftincfl 
frorn MaiTachufetts. 

The year 169!^ was remarkable for a great 
mortality in Portfmouth and Greenland by 
the fmall pox. The infedion was brought 
in bags of cotton from the Weft-Indies, and 
there being but few people who were ac- 

Ms Lcttef. quainted with it, the patients fufFered great-^ 
ly, and but few recovered. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE, J9i5 



CHAP. X. 



i'he Tjar ivith the Frtnch ar:d Indiansy commoyily called King 
William's ivar. 

It was the misfcrtune qf this 
country to have enemies of different kinds 
to contend with at the fame time. While 
the changes above related were taking place 
in their government, a frefh war broke out 
on their frontiers^ which, though afcribed to 
divers caufes, was really kindled by the rafh- 
nefs of the fame perfons who were making 
havock of their liberties. 

. The lands from Penobfcot to Nova-Scotia 
had been ceded to the French, by the treaty 
of Breda, in exchange for the illand of St. 
Chriftopher. On thefe lands the Baron de coii. pip. 
St. Caftine had for many years refided, and ''' ***' 
carried on a large trade with the Indians ; 
with whom he was intimately connected ; 
having feveral of their women,belide a daugh- 
ter of the fachem Madokawando, for his 
wives. The lands which had been granted 
by the crown of England to the duke of 
York (now King Jarnes the fecond) interfer-^ 
ed with CafUne's plantation, as the duke 
claimed to the river St. Croix. A fort had 
been built by his order at Pemaquid, and a 
garrifbn ftationed there to prevent any intru- 
fion on his property. In 1 686 a fhip belong- 
ing to Pafcataqua landed fome wines at Pe-r 
nobfcot, fuppofing it to be within the French 
territory. Palmer and Weft, the duke's agents - 

It Pemaquid, went and feized the wines ; 



196 HISTORY OF 

but by the influence of the French ambaffk' 
dor in England, an order was obtained for 
, the reftoration of them. Hereupon a new- 

line was run which took Caftine's plantation 
into the duke's territory. In the fpring of 
1688. 16S8, AndrolFe went in the Rofe frigate, and 
plundered Caftine's houfe and fort ; leaving 
only the ornaments of his chapel to confole 
him for the lofs of his arms and goods. 
This bafe adlion provoked Caftine to lexcite 
S^tap. ^^^ Indians to a new war, pretences for 
p. 562. which were not wanting on their part. They 
com plained that the tribute of corn which had 
been promifed by the treaty of 1678, had 
been withheld ; that the fifhery of the river 
Saco had been obflru(fled by feines ; that 
their Handing corn had been devoured by 
battle belonging to the Englifh ; that their 
lands at Pemaquid had been patented with- 
out their confent ; and that they had been 
fraudulently dealt with in trade. Some of 
thefe complaints were doubtlefs well ground- 
ed ; but none of them were ever enquired 
into or redrelTed. 

They began to make reprifds at North 
Yarmouth by killing cattle. Juflice Black- 
man ordered fixteen of them to be feized and 
kept under guard at Falmouth ; but others 
continued to rob and captivate the inhabi- 
tants. AndrofFe, who pretended to treat the 
Indians with mildnefs, commanded thofe 
whom Blackman had feized to be fet at lib- 
erty. But thi^s mildnels had not the defired 
elFesfl ; the Indians kept their prifoners, and 
jTiurdered fome of them in their barbarous 
ii'olicks. Androilc then changed his meaf- 
ures, and thought to frighten them, with aii 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 197 

army of feven hundred men, which he led 1688. 
into their country in the month of Novem- 
ber. The rigor of the feafon proved fatal to 
fome of his men ; but he never faw an In- 
dian in his whole march. The enemy were 
quiet during the winter. 

After the revolution, the gentlemen who 1689* 
alTumed the government took fome precau- 
tions to prevent the renewal of hoflilities. 
They fent mefTengers and prefents to feveral 
tribes of Indians, who a.nfwered them with 
fair promifes ; but their prejudice againft the i^eaTanT^ 
Engliih was too inveterate to be allayed by Mather: 
fuch means as thefe. 

Thirteen years had almofl elapfed fince the 
feizure of the four hundred Indians, at Co- 
checho, by Major Waldron ; during all which 
time an iuextinguifhable thirfl of revenge 
had been cherifhed among them, which nev- 
er till now found opportunity for gratifica- 
tion*. Wonolanfet, one of the fachems of 
Penacook, who was difmiffed with his people 
at the time of the feizure, always obferved 
his father's dying charge not to quarrel with 
the Engliih ; but Hagkins, another fachem, 
who had been treated with negledl by Cran- 
field, was more ready to liflen to the feduc- 
ing invitations of Caftine's emiffaries. Some 
of thofe Indians, who were then feized and 
fold into flavery abroad, had found their way 
home, and could not reft till they had revenge. 
Accordingly a confederacy being formed be- 

* The inveteracy of their hatred to Major Waldron on account of that 
transaction, appears from what is related by Mr. WiUiams in the narrative 
ofhis c aptivity, which happened in 1704. When he was in Canada, a Jesu- 
it di.^coursing witli him on the causes of tlieir wars with New-England, 
" justified the Indians in what they did against us ; rehearsing some things 
•■done by Major Waldron abovf- 30 yoirs ago, and how justly God retaliated 
" thfta." Page 18. 



198 * HISTORY OF 

1689. tween the tribes of Penacodk and Pigwacket, 
and the flrange Indians (as they were called) 
who were incorporated with them., it was de- 
termined to furprif'e the major and his neigh- 
bours, among whom they had all this time 
been peaceably eonyerfant. 

In that part of the town of Dover which lies 
about the firfh falls in the river Cochecho, 
were five garrifoned houfes ; three on the 
North fide^ viz. Waldron's Otis' and Heard's ; 
and two on the fouth fide, viz. Peter Coffin's 
and his fon's. Thefe houfes were furround- 
ed with timber-wallSj the gates ot which, a^ 
well as the houfe doors, were fecured with 
bolts and bars. The neighbouring families 
retired to thefe houfes by night ; but by an 
unaccountable negligence, no watch was kept. 
The Indians vrho ^vere daily pafFxng through 
the town vifiting and trading with the in- 
habitants, as ufual in time of peace, viewe4 
their fituation with an attentive eye. Some 
hints of a mifchievous defign had been given 
out by their fqua.ws ; but in fuch dark and 
ambiguous terms that no one could compre- 
hend their meaning. Some of the people 
were uneafy ; but Waldron who, from a long 
courfe of experience, was intimately acquaint- 
ed with the Indians, and on other occaiioris 
had been ready enough to fu{j:)ecl them, was 
now io thoroughly fecure, that v/hen lome of 
the people hinted their fears to him, he mer- 
rily bad them to go and plant their pump- 
kins, faying that he woulcl tell them when 
the Indians would l^'eak out. The very 
evening before the mlfchief was done, being 
told bv a young man that the town was full 
of Indians and tUe people were much cou- 



\-^ 



fceriied ; he anfwered that he knew the In* 1689. 
dians very well and there was no danger. 

The plan which the Indians had precon- 
certed was, that two fqnaws fhonld go to 
each of the garrifoned houfes in the evening, 
and afk leave to lodge by the fire ; that* in the , 
night when the people were afleep they 
fhould open the doors and gates, and give the 
fignal by a whiftle ; upon which the ftrange 
Indians, who were to be within hearing, 
Ihould rufh in, and take their long meditat-^ 
ed revenge. This plan being ripe for execu-« 
tion, on the evening of Thnrfday the twen- 
ty feventh of June, two fquaws applied to 
each of the garrilbns for lodging, as they fre- 
quently did in time of peace. They were 
admitted into all but the younger Coffin's, 
and the people, at their recjueft, fhewed them 
how to open the doors, in cafe they Ihould 
hrtve Qccalion to go out in the night. Mefan*» 
dowit, one of their chiefs, went to Waldron's 
garrifon, and was kindly entertained, as he 
had often been before. The fquaws told the 
major, that a number of Indians were com- 
ing to trade with him the next day, and Me- 
fandowit v/hile at fupper, with his ufual fi- 
miliarity, faid,' Brother Waldron, what would 
* you do if the ftrange Indians Ihould come V 
The major carelefsly anfwered, that he could 
affemble an hundred men, by lifting up his 
finger. In this unfufpedling confidence the 
family retired to reft. 

When all was quiet, the gates were opened 
und the fignal given. The Indians entered, 
fet a guard at the door, and ruftied into the 
major's apartment, which was an inner room. 
Awakened by the noife, he jumped out of 
bed, and though now advanced in life to the 



2fOO 



HISTORY OP 



1689. age of eighty years, he retained fo much vi'g. 
our as to drive them with his fword, through 
two or three doors ; but as he was returning 
for his other arms, they came behind him, 
llunned him with a hatchet, drew him into 
his hall, and feating him in an elbow chair 
on a long table infultingiy afked him, " Who 
"fhall judge Indians now ?" They then 
obliged the people in the houfe to get them 
\ fome vi61:uals ; and when they had done eat- 

ing, they cut the major acrofs the bread and 
belly with knives, each one with a ftroke, 
faying, " I crofs out my account." They then 
cut off his nofe and ears, forcing them into 
his mouth ; and when fpent with the lofs of 
blood, he was falling down from the table,, 
one of them held his own fword under him, 
which put an end to his mifery. They alfo 
killed his fon in law Abraham Lee ; but 
took his daughter Lee with feveral others, 
and having pillaged the houfe, left it on fire. 
Otis's garrifon, which was next to the major's, 
met with the fame fate ; he was killed, w4th 
feveral others, and his wife and child were 
captivated. Heard's was faved by the bark- 
ing of a dog juft as the Indians were enter- 
ing : Elder Wentworth, who was awakened 
by the noife pufhed them out, and falling on 
his back, fet his feet againft the gate and 
held it till he had alarmed the people ; two 
balls were fired through it but both miffed 
him. Coffin's houfe was furprized, but as 
the Indians had no particular enmity to him, 
they fpared his life, and the lives of his fam- 
ily, and contented themfelves with pillaging 
the houfe. Finding a bag of money, the)- 
made him throw it by handful s on the floor, 



JfiEW-HAMPSHIRE. 201 

while they amufed themfelves in fcrambling 1689. 
for it. They then went to the houfe of his 
fon who wo'ild not admit the fquaws in the 
evening, and lummoned him to furrender, 
promifiag him quarter : He declined their 
offer and determined to defend his houfe, 
till they brought out his father and threat- 
ened to kill him before his eye^ : Filial af- 
tedlion then overcame his refolution, and he 
furrendered. They put both families toge- 
ther into a deferted houfe, intending to re- 
fer ve them for prifoners ; but while the In- 
dians were bufy in plundering, they all ef- 
caped. 

Twenty three people were killed in this 
furprifil, and twenty nine were captivated ; 
five or fix houfes, with the mills, were burn- 
ed ; and fo expeditious were the Indians in 
the execution of their plot, that before ther 
people could be colledled from the other 
parts of the town to oppofe them, they fled 
with their prifoners and booty. As they 
paffed by Heard's garrifon in their retreat^ 
they fired upon it ; but the people being 
prepared and refolved to defend it, and the 
enemy being in hafle, it v^as preferved. The 
prefervation of its owner was more remark- 
able. 

Elizabeth Heard, with her three fons and 
a daughter, and fome others, were returning 
in the night from Portfmouth. They paf- 
led up the river in their boat unperceived by 
the Indians, who were then in poffefTion of 
the houfes ; but fafpeding danger by the 
aoife which they heard, after they had land- 
ed they betook themfelves to Waldron's gar- 
rifon, where they faw lights, which they 



202 HISTORY OF 

1689. imagined were fet up for dire6lion to thofcr 
who might be feeking a refuge. They 
knocked and begged earneflly for admiflion ; 
but no anfwer being given, a young man of 
the company climbed up the wall, and faw, 
to his inexpreiTible fur prize, an Indian ftand^ 
ing in the door of the houfe, with his gun. 
The woman was fo overcome with the fright 
that fhe was unable to fly ; but begged her 
children to fhift for themfelves ; and they 
with heavy hearts, left her. When flie had 
a little recovered fhe crawled into fome 
bulhes, and lay there till day-light. She 
then perceived an Indian coming toward her 
with a piftol in his hand ; he looked at her 
and went away : returning, he looked at her 
again ; and fhe aiked him what he would 
have ; he made no anfwer, but ran yelling 
to the houfe, and ihe faw him no more. She 
kept her place till the houie was burned, and 
the Indians were gone ; and then returning 
home, found her own houfe fafe. Her pref- 
ervation in thefe dangerous circumftances was 
more remarkable, if (as it is fuppofed) it 
was an inftance of juflice and gratitude in 
the Indians. For at the time when the four or 
hundred were feized in 1676, a young In- 
dian efcaped and took refuge in her houfe, 
where flie concealed him ; in return for 
which kindnefs he promifed her that he 
would never kill her, nor any of her family 
in any future war, and that he would ufe 
his influence with the other Indians to the 
fame purpofe. This Indian was one of the 
party who furprized the place, and flie was 
well known to the mofl: of them. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 203 

The fame day, after the mifehief was done, 1689* 
it letter from Secretary Addington, written by 
order of the government, direcfled to Major 
Waldron, giving him notice of the intention 
of the Indians to furprize him under pre- 
tence of trade, fell into the hands of his fon. 
This delign was communicated to Governor Massa.Rec. 
Bradftreet by Major Henchman of Chelms- 
ford, who had learned it of the Indians. The 
letter was difpatched from Bofton, the day onginsi 
before, by Mr. Weare ; but fome delay which ^***^ 
he met with at Newbury ferry prevented its 
arrival in feafon. 

The prifoners taken at this time were 
moftly carried to Canada, and fold to the 
French ; and thefe, fo far as I can learn, 
were the' firil that ever were carried thiiiher*. 

* One of these prisoners was Sarah Gejrish, a remarkably fine child of 
■•seven years old, and grand-daughter of Major WaMron, in whose house she 
lodged that fatal night. 6ome drcumstances attending her captivity are 
■truly aflfecting. When she was awakened by the noise of the Indians in the 
Jiouse, she crept into another bed and hid lierself under the clothes to esoap« 
their search. She remained in their hands till the next winter, and was sold 
Irom one to another for several times. An Indian gir! once pushed her into 
a river j but, catching by the bushes, slie escaped drowning, yet durst not 
-■iell how she came to be wet. Orce she was so weary with travf llinj; tlxat she c'id 
not awake in the morning till the Indians were gone, and then found herself 
■alone in the woods, covered with snow, and wjthout any food ; having found 
their tracks she went crying after them til! they heard her and took her with 
•them. At another time they kindlrd a great fire, and the young Indians told 
lier she was to be roasted. She burst into tears, threw her arms round her 
inaster's neck, and begged him to save her, which he promised to do if slie 
•would behave well Being arrived in Canada, she was bouorht by the In- 
tendant's lady, who treated her courteously, and sent her to a nunnery for 
education. But when Sir William Phjps was at G^uebec she was exchanged, 
and returned to her friends, with whom she lived till she vs^s sixteeu 
years old. 

Tlie wife ef Riclwrd Otis was taken at the same time, with an infant 
•laughter of tliree months old. The French priests took this child under their 
«are, baptized her by the name of Christina, and educated her in the Romish 
religion. She passed some time in a nunnery, but declined taking the veil, 
and was married to a Frenchman, by whom she had two cliildren. But het 
desire to see New-England was so strong, that upon an exchange of prison- 
er.s in 1714, being then a widow, she left both her children, who were not 
permitted to come with her, and returned home, where she abjured the 
Romish faith. M. Siguenot, her former confessor, wrote her a flattering let- 
ter, warning her of her danger, inviting her to return to the bosom of the 
qatlioUc church, and repeating many gross calumnies which had formerly 
l^n vented against LutJiw and the »ther ref«rni.ers. This Utter bc^ng 



204 HISTOKY OF 

1689. The Indians had been feduc^d to the French 
intereft by popiih emilTaries, who had began 
to fafcinate them with their reUgious and na- 
tional prejudices. 1 hey had now learned to 
call the Engliih hereticks, and that to extir- 
pate them as fuch was meritorious in die 
fight of heaven. When their minds were 
filled with religious phrenzy, they became 
inore bitter and implacable enemies than be- 
fore ; and finding the fale of fcalps and prif^ 
oners turn to good account in Canada, chey 
had flill farther incitement to continue their 
depredations, and profecute their vengeance. 
The necellity of vigorous meafures was 
now fo preffing, that parties were immedi- 
ately difpatched, one under Captain Noyes 
to Penacook, where th^y deftroyed the corn, 
but the Indians efcaped ; another from Paf- 
cataqua, under Captain Wincal, to Winnipi-^ 
feogee, whither the Indians had retired, as 
John Church, who had been taken at Co- 
checho and efcaped from them, reported ; 
One or two Indians were killed there, and 
their corn cut down. But thefe excurfions 
proved of fmall fervice, as the Indians had 
little to lofe, and could find an horne where- 
ever they could find game and filh. 

In the month of Aug u ft Major Swaine, 
with feven or eight companies raifed by the 

shewn to Governor Burnet, he wrote her a sen?ih1e and m,i?terly answer, re^ 
futing tlie ar^niiuents, and detectiiig- the f'alse!>oods it contained : Botli these 
letters vveie printed. She was married afterward to Capt. Thomas Baker, 
•who har'. bT'en taken at Deerfleld in 1704; and lived in Dover, where she was 
born,tiU the year 1773. 

• Mr John Lmerson, by dechning to loilre at Major Waldron's on the fatal 
DJijht, though strongly urged, met witli an liappy escape. He was afterward 
aministei'at N'ca -Castle and Portsmnuth. 

*<,*So»n<3 of the circumsianres relating to tlie destniction of Cochech^ 
are ta!cei5 froni NTa.h«r*s Ma,;i:alia. Tiiepthers ircm the traditiw of the. 
si^^&rers and tiicir dcsccndsnts. ^ 



KEW-HAMPSHIRE. > 205 

MajOfachufetts government, marched to tlie 1689. 
eaftward ; aad Major Church, with another 
party, confiiting of Englifh and Indians, from 
the colony of Plymouth, foon followed them. 
While thefe forces were on their march, the 
Indians, who lay in the woods about Oyfler 
river, obferved how many mien belonged to 
Hucking's garrifon ; and feeing them all go 
out one morning to work, nimbly ran be- 
tween them and the houfe, and killed them 
all (being in number eighteen) except one 
who had pafTed the brook. They then at- 
tacked the houfe, in which were only two 
boys (one of whom was lame) with fome 
women and children. The boys kept them 
off for fome time and wounded feveral of 
them. At length the Indians fet the houfe 
on fire, and even then the boys would not 
furrender till they had promifed them to 
fpare their lives. They perfidiouily m.urder- 
ed three or four of the children ; one of 
them was fet on a iharp ftake^ in the view 
of its diftreffed mother, who V7ith the other 
women and the boys were carried captive. 
One of the boys efcaped the next day. Cap- 
tain Garner with his company purfued th^ 
enemy, but did not corne up with them. 

The MalTachufetts and Plymouth compa- 
nies proceeded to the eaflward, fettled garri- 
fons in convenient places, and had fome fkir- 
milhes with the enemy at Cafco and Blue 
Point. On their return. Major Swaine fent 
a party of the Indian auxiliaries under Lieu- 
tenant Flagg toward Winnipifeogee to make 
jdifcoveries. Thefe Indians held a confulta- 
tion in their own language ; and having per- 
faaded their lieiitenent with two men to re- 



!206 HISTORY OF 

1689. turn, nineteen of them tarried out eleven 
days longer ; in which time they found the 
enemy, ftaid with tliem two nights, and in- 
formed them of every thing which they de- 
fired to know ; upon which the enemy re- 

mlTv^w. tired to their inacceflible deferts, and the 
forces returned without finding them, and in 
November were difbanded. 

Nothing was more welcome to the diftref- 
fed inhabitants of the frontiers than the ap- 
proach of winter, as they then expedled a 
refpite from their fuiFerings. The deep 
fnows and cold weather were commonly a 
good fecurity againft an attack from the In- 
dians ; but when refolutely fet on mif- 
chief, and inftigated by popifh enthufiafm, no 
obilacles could prevent the execution of their 
purpofes. 

1690, The Count de Frontenac, now governor 
of Canada, was fond of diilinguiihing him- 
felf by fome enterprizes againil the Ameri- 
can fubjedls of King William, with whom 
his mailer was at war in Europe. For this 
purpofe he detached three parties of French 
and Indians from Canada in the winter, who 
were to take three different routes into the 
Englifh territories. One of thefe parties 
inarched from Montreal and deftroyed Sche- 
nectada,a Dutch village on the Mohawk river, 
in the province of New-York. This acflion 
which happened at an unufual time of the 
year, in the month of February, alarmed the 
whole country ; and the eaftern fettlements 
were ordered to be on their guard. On the 
eighteenth day of March, another party 
which came from Trois Rivieres, under the 
<;0mman4 of the Sieur Hertel, an f)$cer oi 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 207 

great repute in Canada, found their way to 169(X 
Salmon falls, a fettlement on the river which 
divides New-Hampfhire from the province 
of Maine. This party confifted of fifty two 
men, of whom twenty five were Indians un- 
der Hoophood, a noted warrior. They be- 
gan the attack at day-break, in three differ- 
ent places. The people were furprized ; but 
flew to arms and defended themfelves in the 
garrifoned houfes, with a bravery which the 
enemy themfelves applauded. But as in all 
fuch onfets the affailants have the great- 
eft advantage, fo they here proved too 
ftrong for the defendants ; about thirty of 
the braveft were killed, and the reft furren- 
dered at difcretion, to the number of fifty 
four, of whom the greater part were women 
and children. After plundering, the enemy 
burned the houfes, mills and barns, with the 
cattle* which were within doors, and then 
retreated into the woods, whither they were 
purfued by about one hundred and forty 
men, fuddenly colledled from the neighbour- 
ing towns, who came up with them in the 
afternoon at a narrow bridge on Woofter's 
river. Hertel expedling a purfuit, had pofted 
his men advantageoufly on the oppofite bank. 
The purfuers advanced with great intrepidity, 
and a warm engagement enfued, which lafted 
tillnight,whenthey retired withthe lofs of four 
or five killed ; the enemy by their own account . 

loft two, one of whom was Hertel's nephew ; Uv.7.p.74^ 
his fon was w^ounded in the knee ; another 
Frenchman was taken prifoner, who was fo ub.7,p.6» 

• Clvirlevobc &ays they burned " twenty-seven houses and two thousand 
head of cattle in the barna." TH^e number of buildin-js, including nii!!s, 
barns and otl»er outhouses, mis-hi amowxt to pew t^veoty : but th« numbev 
"flattie 3« he gives it, is inaredii):e, 



^8 HISTORY OF 

1690. tenderly treated that he embraced the protef- 
tant faith, and remained in the country. 
Hertel-on his way homeward met with a 
third party who had marched from Quebec, 
and joining his company to them attacked 
and deflroyed the fort and fetclement at Gai^ 
CO, the next May. Thus the three expedi- 
tions planned by Count Frontenac proved 
fliccefsful ; but the glory of them was much 
tarniihed by adls of cruelty, which chriftians 
iliould be alhamed to countenance, though 
perpetrated by favages*. 

After the deftruction of Cafco the eaflern 
fettlements were all deferted, and the people 

* Tlie following instances of cruelty exercised towards the prisoners taken 
at Salmon falls are mentioned by Dr. Mather. 

Robert Rogers, a corpulent man, being unable to cany the burden which 
the Indians imposed upon hira, threw it in the path and went asi-'.e in the 
woods to conceal himself. They found him by his track, stripped,^ beat and 
pricked h.im with theix swords ; then tied him to a tree and danced round 
him till they had kindled a fire. They gave him time to pray, and take 
leave of his fellow prisoners who were placed round the fire to see his death. 
They pushed the fire toward him, and when he was almost stifled, took it 
away to give him time to breathe, and thus prolong his misery ; they drown- 
ed his dying groans with their hideous singing and yelling; all the while 
dancing round the fire, cutting off pieces of his flesh and throwing them in 
his face. When he was dead they left his body broiling on the coals, Lb 
which state it was found by iiis frien '? nnd binied. 

Mehetaht! Goo^iwin was taken ■••.ith a child of five months old. When it 
cried they threati- '-?d to kill it, whid: n-ade the mother go asi'Ie and sit for 
hours together in tlie snow to lull it to sleep ; her master seeing that this 
hindered her frOTntra.-e''ing, took the child, struck its b.ead against a tree, 
and hung it on one of tlie branches ; she wou'd have buried it but he would 
not let her, telling her that if she came again that way she might have the 
pleasure of seeing it. She '.vas c.irried to Canada, and after five years return- 
ed home. 

?^ary Plaisted was taken out af her bed, having lain in but three weeks.— 
They made her travel with then: through the snow, and •' to ease her of h.er 
burle.'i,'" as they said, struck the child's head against a tree, and threw it in- 
to a river. 

An anecdote of another V.ind may relieve the readef after these tragical ac-* 
counts. Thoma.'j Toogood was pursued by three Indians and overtaken by 
one of them, wlic !5avin-:f emviired his name, was preparing strings to bind 
him holding his gun under his arm, which Toogood seized and went back- 
ward, keeping the gun presented at him, and protesting that he vsoiild shoot 
him if he alarmed the other.«: who had stopped on the opposite side of the hill. 
By t! is 'lexterity he escaped and got safe into CochcchO; w'.iilehis adversary 
had no recompense in his power but to call after him by the name of jVo good- 
When he returned to iiis compmions without gun or prisoner, tlicii derision 
4Rad« his misadventure the more grievous. 



:NrEW-HAMPSHlRE. SO^ 

Htited to the fort at Wells. The Indians 1690. 
then came up weftward, and a party of them 
under Hoophood fometime in May made an 
afTauIt on Fox Point, [in Newington] where 
they burned feveral houfes, killed about 
fourteen people, and carried away fix. They 
were purfiied by the captains Floyd and Ma^. ub. 5 
Greenleaf, who came up with them and re- ^' ^^ 
covered fome of the captives and fpoil, after 
& fkirmifh in which Hoophood was wound- 
ed and loft his gun. This fellow was foon 
after killed by a party of Canada Indians 
who miftook him for one of the Iroquois, 
with whom they were at war. On the fourth 
day of July eight perfons were killed as they 
Were mowing in a field near Lamprey river, 
and a lad was carried captive. The next 
day they attacked Captain Hilton's garrifon 
at Exeter, which was relieved by Lieutenant 
Bancroft with the lofs of a few of his men ; 
one of them, Simon Stone, received nine Mag.Ub.5'. 
wounds with lliot, and two ftrokes of a hatch- p- '*• 
et ; when his friends came to bury him they 
perceived life in him, and by the application 
of cordials he revived, to the amazement 
of all. 

Two companies under the Captains Floyd 
and Wifwal were now fcouting, and on the 
fixth day of July difcovered an Indian track, 
which they purfued till they came up with 
the enemy at Wheelwright's Pond, [in Lee] 
where a bloody engagement enfued for fome 
hours ; in which Wifwal, his lieutenant, 
Flagg, and ferjeant Walker, with twelve 
more, were killed, and feveral wounded. It ^ 
was not known how many of the enemy 
fell, as they always carried off their dead- 



£10 HIS'rORY OF 

1690. Floyd maintained the fight after Wifwal's 
death, till his men, fatigued and wounded, 
drew off; which obliged him to follow. 
The enemy retreated at the fame time ; for 
when Captain Convers went to look after the 
wounded, he found feven alive, whom he 
brought in by funrife the next morning, 
and then returned to bury the dead. The 
enemy then went weflward, and in the courfe 
of one week killed, between Lamprey river 
and Almfbury^ not lefs than forty people. 

The cruelties exercifed upon the captives 
in this war exceeded, both in number and 
degree, any in former times. The mod 
healthy and vigorous of them were fold in 
Canada, the weaker were facrificed and 
fcalped ; and for every fcalp they had a pre- 
mium. Two inllances only are remember- 
ed of their releafing any without a ranfom ; 

Mag. 73. one was a woman taken from Fox Point, who 
obtained her liberty by procuring them fome 
of the neceifaries of life ; the other was at 
York ; v/here, after they had taken many of 
the people, they reftored two aged women 
and five children, in return for a generous 
adlion of Major Church, who had f pared the 
lives of as many women and children when 

MS Letter, they fell into his hands at Amarifcogin. 

The people of Nevv^-England now looked 
on Canada as the fource of their troubles, 
and formed a defign to reduce it to fubjec- 
tion to the crown of England. The enter- 
prize was bold and hazardous ; and had their 
ability been equal to the ardour of their pat- 
riotifm, it might probably have been acconi- 
plifhed. Straining every nerve, they equip- 



1 

JTEW-HAMPSHIRE. 211 

ped an armament in fome degree equal to 169Q. 
the fervice. What was wanting in military 
and naval difcipline was made up in refolu- 
tion ; and the command was given to Sir 
William Phips, an honeft man, and a friend 
to his country j but by no means qualified 
for fuch an enterprize. Unavoidable acci- 
dents retarded the expedition, fo that the 
fleet did not arrive before Quebec till Odlo- 
ber ; when it was more than time to return. 
It being impofTible to continue there to any 
purpofe ; and the troops growing lickly and 
difcouraged, after fome ineiFed:ual parade, 
they abandoned the enterprize. 

This difappointment was feverely felt. 
The equipment of the fleet and army re- 
quired a fupply of money which could not 
readily be collected, and occafioned a paper 
currency ; which has often been drawn into 
precedent on like occafions, and has proved a 
fatal fource of the moft complicated and ex- 
tenfive mifchief. The people were almoft 
difpirited with the profpedl of poverty and 
ruin. In this melancholy ftate of the coun- 
try, it was an happy circumflance that the 
Indians voluntarily came in with a flag of 
truce, and defired a celfation of hoftilities. Nov. 29-. 
A conference being held at Sagadahock, they 
brought in ten captives, and fettled a truce 
till the firll day of May, which they obferv- 
ed till the ninth of June ; when they attack- ^^q-, 
ed Storer's garrifbn at Wells, but were brave- 
ly repulfed. About the fame time they kil- 
led two men at Exeter, and on the twenty ^^ ^^■' 
ninth of September, a party of them came ms Letts? 
from the eaftward in canoes to Sandy Beach, °'^°'"* 
TRye] v/here they l^ille4 and captivate(J 



Fitch's 
MS. 



2\2 HISTORY Of 

1691. twenty one perfons. Captain Sherburne of 
Portfmouth, a worthy officer, was this year 
killed at Macquoit, 

The next winter, the country being alarnir 

3 23 ^d with the de{lrvid:ion of York, fome new 
regulations were made for the general de^ 
fence. Major Eliiha Hutchinfon w^as ap* 
pointed commander in chief of the militia ; 
by whofe prudent conduct the frontiers were 
well guarded, and fo conftant a communica'- 
tion was kept up, by ranging parties, from 
9ne poft to another, that it became impolli- 
ble for the enemy to attack in their ufual 
way by furprife. The good effect of this 
regulation was prefently feen. A young 
man being in the woods near Cochecho, was 
fired at by fome Indians. Lieutenant Wii-» 
fon immediately went out with eighteen 
me-n j and finding the Indians, killed or 
wounded the -vvhole party excepting one. 
This llruck a terror, and kept them quiet 
tjhe remainder of the winter and fpring. But 
pn the tenth day of June, an army of French 
and Indians made a furious attack on Storer's 
garrifon at Wells, where Capt. Convers com- 
maiKled ; who after a brave and refolute de- 
fence, was fo happy as to drive them off with 
great lofs. 

Sir William Phips, being now governor of 
MafTachufetts, continued the fame method 
of defence ; keeping out continual fcouts 
under brave and experienced officers. This 
kept the Indians fo quiet that, except one 
poor family which they took at Oyfter river, 
aad fome fmall mifchief at Ouaboag, there 
is no mention of any deflru(5lion made by 

1693, ^hem during the year 1693. Their animof- 



KEW-HAMPSHIRE. 21 S 

ity againfl New-England was not quelled ; 1693, 
but they needed a fpace to recruit ; fome of 
their principal men were in captivity, and 
they could not hope to redeem them with- Aug. n? 
out a peace. To obtain it, they came into 
the fort at Pemaquid ; and %here entered in- 
to a folemn covenant ; wherein they ac- 
knowledged fubje(5lion to the crown of Eng- 
land ; engaged to abandon the French in^ 
terefl ; promifed perpetual peace ; to forbear 
private revenge ; to reflore all captives ; and 
even went fo far as to deliver hoftages for 
the due performance of their engagements. ^»2P'89v 
This peace, or rather truce, gave both fides 
a refpite, which both earneftly defired. 

The people of New-Hampfhire were much 
reduced ; their lumber trade and hufbandry 
being greatly impeded by the war. Fre- 
quent complaints were m^de of the burden of 
the war, the fcarcity of provifions, and the 
difpiritednefs of the people. Once it is faid 
in the council minutes that they were even 
ready to quit the province. The governor 
was obliged to imprefs men to guard the out- 
polls ; they were fometimes difmilFed for 
want of provifions, and then the garrifon of- 
ficeits called to account and feverely punifh- 
ed : Yet all this time the public debt did 
not exceed four hundred pounds. In this 
fituation they were obliged to apply to their 
neighbours for afTiftance ; but this was grant- 
ed with a fparing hand. The people of 
MafFachufetts v^ere much divided and at va- 
riance among themfelves, both on account 
of the new charter which they had received 
from King William, and the pretended 
withcrafts which have mad^ fo loud a noife 



214 HISTORY OF 

1693. in the world. Party and paflion had uiurp- 
ed the place of patriotifm ; and the defence, 
not only of their neighbours, but of them- 
felves was negledled to gratify their malig- 
nant humours. Their governor too had 
been affronted ih this province, on the fol- 
lowing occafion. 

Sir William Phips, having had a quarrel 
with Captain Short of the Nonfuch frigate 
about the extent of his power as vice admi- 
ral, arrefted Short at Bofton, and put him on 
board a merchant fnip bound for Eiigland, 
commanded by one Tay, with a warrant to 
deliver him to the fecretary of flate. The 
fhip put into Pafcataqua, and the Nonfuch 
came in after her. The lieutenant, Gary, 
fent a letter to Hinckes, preiident of the 
council threatening to imprefs feamen if 
Short was not rcieafed. Gary was arrefted 
and brought before the council, where he re- 
ceived a reprimand for his infolence. At 
the fame time Sir William came hither by 
land, went on board Tay's ihip, and fent the 
cabbin-boy with a meifage to the prefjdent 
to come to hini there ; which Hinckes high- 
ly refented and refufed. Phips then demand- 
ed of Tay his former warrant, and iiuied 
another commanding the re-delivery of Short 
to him, broke open Short's cheft, and feized 
his papers. This a(5lion was looked upon 
by fome as an exertior < f power to which 
he had no right, and it Wc. s propofed to cite 

Maidiso. him before the council to ai fwer for affum- 
ing authority out of his jurifdiclion. The 
preiident was warm ; but a majority of the 
the council, confidering Sir William's opin- 
ion that his vice admiral's commilljou ^Xt 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 215 

tended to this province, (though Uflier had 1693, 
one, bat was not prcfent) and that no perfon MSinfiiei. 
belonging to the province had been injured, 
advifed the prefident to take no farther no- 
tice of the matter. Soon after this Sir Wil- 
liam drew off the men whom he had fla- 
tioned in this province as foldiers ; and the 
council advifed the lievitenant governor to 
apply to the colony of Connecflicut for men 
and provilions ; but whether this requeft 
was granted does not appear. 

The towns of Dover and Exeter being 
more expofed than Portfmouth or Hampton 
fuffered the greateft fliare in the common ca- 
lamity. Nothing but the hope of better 
times kept alive their fortitude. When ma- 
ny of the eaftern fettlements were wholly 
broken up, they flood their ground, and 
thus gained to themfelves a reputation which 
their poflerity boaft of to this day. 

The engagements made by the Indians in 1694. 
the treaty of Pemaquid, might have been 
performed if they had been left to their own 
choice. But the French mifTionaries had 
been for fome years very affiduous in propa- 
gating their tenets among them, one of which 
was ' that to break faith with hereticks was 
* no fin.' The Sieur de Villieu, who had 
diftinguifhed himfelf in the defence of Que- 
bec when Phips was before it, and had con- 
tra6led a ftrong antipathy to the New-Eng- 
landers, being now in command at Penob- 
fcot, he with M. Thury, the miilionary, di- 
verted Madokawando and the other fachems 
from complying with their engagements ; fo 
-that pretences were found for detaining the 
Eugliih captives, who were more in num- 



^16 HISTORY OP 

1694. ber, and of more confequence than the hof^ 
tages whom the Indians had given. Influ- 
enced by the fame pernicious councils, they 
kept a watchful eye on the frontier towns, to 
/ fee what place was mofl fecure and might be 
attacked to the greateft advantage. The fet-- 
tlement at Oyfter river, within the town of 
Dover, was pitched upon as the moil likely 
place ; and it is faid that the defign of fur- 
priiing it was publickly talked of at Quebec 
two months before it was put in execution. 
Rumours of Indians lurking in the woods 
thereabout made fome of the people appre- 
hend danger ; but no mifchief being attempt- 

Mag:naHa q^^ they imagined them to be hunting par- 

' '*'' * ties, and returned to their fecurity. At 

length, the necelFary preparations being made, 

^, , . Villieu, with a body of two hundred and 

Charlevoix ^ xt ii r\ ^ r i -i r n 

lib. 15. p. fifty Indians, collected from the tribes of bt. 

^^' John, Penobfcot and Norridgwog, attended 
by a French Prieft, marched for the devoted 
place. 

Oyfter river is a ftream which runs into 
the weftern branch of Fafcataqua ; the fet- 
tlements were on both fides of it, and the 
houfes chiefly near the water. Here were 
twelve garrifoned houfes fufHcient for the 
defence of the inhabitants, but apprehend- 
ing no danger, fome families remained at 
their own unfortified houfes, and thofe who 
were in the garrifons were but indifferently 
provided for defence fome being even defli- 
tute of powder. The enemy approached the 
place undifcovered, and halted near the falls 
on Tuefday evening, the feventeenth of Ju- 
ly. Here they formed into two divifions, 
one of which was to go on each fide of the 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 211 

river And plant themfelves in ambufh, ia 1694. 
fmall parties, near every houfe, fo as to be rea- 
dy for the attack at the rifing of the fun ; the 
firil gun to be the fignal. John Dean, whofe 
houfe flood by the faw-mill at the falls, in- 
tending to go from home very early, arofe 
before the dawn of day, and was fhot as he 
came out of his door. This firing, in part, 
difconcerted their plan ; feveral parties who 
had fome diflance to go, had not then ar- 
rived at their ftations ; the people in gener- 
al were immediately alarmed, fome of thera 
had time to make their efcape, and others to 
prepare for their defence. The fignal being 
given, the attack began in all parts where ^ 

the enemy was ready. 

Of the twelve garrifoned houfes five were 
deflroyed, viz. Adams's, Drew's, Edgerly's, 
Medar's and Beard's. They entered Adams's 
without refinance, where they killed four- 
teen perfons ; one of them, being a woman 
with child, they ripped open. The grave is 
ftill to be feen in which they were all bu- 
ried. Drew furrendered his garrifon on the 
promife of fecurity, bnt was murdered when 
he fell into their hands ; one of his chil- 
dren, a boy of nine years old, was made to 
run through a lane of Indians as a mark for 
them to throw their hatchets at, till they 
had difpatched him. Edgerly's was evacu- 
ated ; the people took to their boat, and one 
of them was mortally wounded before they 
got out of reach of the enemy's fhot. Beard's 
and Medar's were alfo evacuated and the 
people efcaped. 

The defencelefs houfes were nearly all fet 
on fire, the inhabitants being either killed or 



218 ' HISTORY OF 

1694. taken in them, or elfe in endeavouring to fl]f 
to the garrifons. Some efcaped by hiding 
in the bufhes and other fecret places. 
Thomas Edgerly, by concealing himfelf in 
his cellar, preferved his houfe, though twice 
fet on fire. The houfe of John Bufs, the 
minifler, was deftroyed with a valuable li- 
brary. He was abfent, his wife and family 
fled to the woods and efcaped. The wife of 
John Dean, at whom the firft gun was fired 
was taken with her daughter, and carried 
about two miles up the river, where they 
were left under the care of an old Indian 
while the others returned to their bloody 

% work. The Indian complained of a pain in 

his head, and afked the woman what would 
be a proper remedy : ilie anfwered, Occapee, 
w^hich is the Indian word for rum, of which 
fhe knew he had taken a bottle from her 
houfe. The remedy being agreeable, he 
took a large dofe and fell aflecp ; and ihe 
took that opportunity to make her efcape, 
with her child, into the woods, and kept con- 
cealed till they were gone. 

The other feven garrifons, viz. Burnham's, 
Bickford's, Smith's, Bunker's, Davis's, Jones 
and Woodman's were rcfolutely and fuccels- 
fully defended. At Burnham's the gate was 
left open : The Indians, ten in number, 
' who were appointed to furprize it, were a- 
fleep under the bank of the river, at the 
time that the alarm was given. A man with- 
in, who had been kept awake by the tooth- 
ach, hearing the firft gun, roufed the people 
and fecu';ed the gate, juft as the Indians who 
were awakened by the fame noifc vrcre en- 
tering. Finding thcmfelves difappointed. 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 219 

€hey ran to Pitman's, defencelefs houfe, and 1694. 
forced the door at the moment that he had 
burft a way through that end of the houfe 
which was next to the garrifon, to which he 
with his family, taking advantage of the 
ihade of fome trees, it being moonlight, 
happily efcaped. Still defeated, they attack- 
ed the houfe of John Davis, which after 
fome refinance he furrendered on terms ; but 
the terms were violated, and the whole fam- 
ily either killed or made captives. Thomas 
Bickford preferved his houfe in a Angular 
manner. It was fituated near the river, and 
furrounded with a palifade. Being alarmed ^ 

before the enemy had reached the houfe, he 
fent off his family in a boat, and then Ihut- 
ting his gate, betook himfelf alone to the de- 
fence of his fortrefs. Deipifing alike the 
promifes and threats by which the Indians 
wovild have perfuaded him to furrender, he 
kept up a conftant fire at them, changing his 
drefs as often as he could, fhewing himfelf 
with a different cap, hat or coat, and fome- 
times without either, and giving diredlions 
aloud as if he had a number of men with 
him. Finding their attempt vain, the enemy 
withdrew, and left him fole mafler of the 
houfe which he had defended with fuch ad- 
mirable addrefs. Smith's, Bunker's, and 
Davis's garrifons, being feafonably apprized 
of the danger, were refolutely defended, one 
Indian was fuppofed to be killed and anoth- 
er wounded by a Ihot from Davis's. Jones's 
^garrifon was belet before day ; Capt. Jones 
hearing his dogs bark, and imagining wolves 
might be near, w^ent out to fecure fome fwine 
and returned un^iolefted. He thei"^ went up 



220 HISTORY OF 

1694. into the flankart and fat on the wall. Dif- 
cerning the flafh of a gun, he dropped back- 
ward ; the ball entered the place from 
whence he had withdrawn his legs. The 
enemy from behind a rock kept firing on 
the houfe for fome time and then quitted it. 
During thefe tranfadlions the French prieft 
took pollelfion of the meeting-houfe, and 
employed himfelf in writing on the pulpit 
with chalk ; but the houfe received no dani- 
age. 

Thoie parties of the enemy who were on 
the fouth fide of the river having completed 
their deflru6live work, colle6led in a field 
adjoining to Burnham's garrifon, where they 
infultingly lliewed their prif oners, and de* 
rided the people, thinking themfelves out of 
reach of their fhot. A young man from the 
centry-box fired at one who was making 
fome indecent figns of defiance, and wound- 
ed him in the heel : Him they placed on a 
horfe and carried away. Both divifions then 
met at the falls, where they had parted the 
evening before, and proceeded together to 
Capt. Woodman's garriipn. The ground being 
uneven, they approached without danger, 
and from behind a hill kept up a long and 
fevere fire at tlie hats and caps which the 
people within held up on flticks above the 
walls, without any other damage than gall- 
ing the roof of the houfe. At length, ap- 
prehendhig it was time for the people in the 
neighbouring fettlements to be colletfled in 
purfuit of them, they finally withdrew ; 
having killed and captivated between ninety 
and an hundred peribns and burned abouV 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 221 

twenty houfes, of which five were garrifons*. 1694. 
The main body of them retreated over Witi- 
nipifeogee lake, vsrhere they divided their 
prifoners, feparating thofe in particular vv^ho 
were moft intimately connedled, in which 
they often took a pleafure fuited to their 
favage nature f. 

About forty of the enemy under Toxus, a 
Norridgwog chief, refolving on farther mit- 
chief, went weftward and did execution as 
far as Groton. A fmaller party having croff* 
ed the river Pafcataqua, came to a farm 
where Urfula Cutts, widow of the deceafed 
prefident, refided, who imagining the enemy 
had done what mlfchief they intended for 
that time, could not be perfuaded to remove 
into town till her haymaking Ihould be finiih- 
ed. As the v/as in the field with her labourers. HbX*p8«»^ 
the enemy fired from an ambufh and killed ^® 
her, with three others. Colonel Richard 
Waldron and his wife with their infant fon 
(afterward fecretary) had almofl fhared the 
fame fate ; they were taking boat to go and 
dine with this lady, when they were flopped 

* Charlevoix with his usual parade boasts of their having killed two hun- 
dred and thirty people, and burned fiftj- or fixty houses. He speaks of only 
t.wo forts, both of which were stormed. 

t Amongf these prisoners were Thomas Drew and his wife who weie 
newly married. He v^as carried to Canada, where he continued two years 
and was redeemed. Slie to Norridgwos;' and was gone four years, in which 
she endured every thing but death. She was delivered of a child in the win- 
ter, in the open air, and in a violent snow storm. Being unable to suckle 
her child, or provide it any foal, the Indians killed it. She lived fourteen 
days on a decoction of the bark of trees. Once they set her to draw a sled 
up a river against a piercing north-west wind, and left her. She was so o- 
vorcome with the cold that she grew sleepy, laid down and was nearly dead, 
when they returned ; tliey carried her senseless to a wigwam, and poured 
warm water down her-throat, which recovered her. After her return to her 
husband, she had fourteen children ; they lived togetlier till he was ninety 
three and she eighty nine years of age ; they died within two days of each 
other antl were buried in one grave. 

'»* These particular cirannstances of the destruction at Oyster river 
were at my desire cotleeted from tlic information of age^ people by John Sn^ith , 
Esq. a lie-^fpiidant of o;ir of the suffering families. 



222 HISTORY OF 

1694. by the arrival of fome friends at their houfej 
while at dinner they were informed of her 
death. She lived about two miles above the 
town of Portfm:Outh, and had laid out her 
farm with much elegance. The fcalps tak- 
en in this whole expedition were carried to 
Canada by Madokawando, and prefented to 
Count Frontenac, from whom he received 
the reward of his treacherous adventure. 

1695. • There is no mention of any more mifchief 
by the Indians within this province till the 
next year, when, in the month of July, two 
men were killed at Exeter. The following 

^ , year, on the ieventh day of May, John 

ib\)b. Church, who had been taken and efcaped 
from them feven years before, was killed and 
fcalped at Cochecho, near his own houfe. 
On the twenty-fixth of June an attack was 
made at Portfmouth plain, about two miles 
from the town. The enemy came from 
York-nubble toSandy-beach in canoes, which 
they hid there among the bufhes near the 
ihore. Some fufpicion was formed the day 
before by reafon of the cattle running out of 
the woods at Little-harbour ; but falfe a- 
larms were frequent and this was not much 
regarded. Early in the morning the attack 
was made on five houfes at once ; fourteen 
perfons were killed on the fpot, one was 
fcalped and left for dead, but recovered, and 
four were taken. The enemy having plun- 
dered the houfes of what they could carry, 
fet them on fire, and made a precipitate re- 
treat through the great fwamp. A company 
of militia under Captaia Shackford and lieu-r 
tenant Libbey purfued, and difcovcred them - 
cooking their breakfaft, at a pkace ever fince 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 223 

called Breakfaft-hill. The Indians were on 1696. 
the farther fide, having placed their captives 
between themfelves and the top of the hill, 
that in cafe of an attack they might iirft re- 
ceive the fire. The lieutenent urged to go 
round the hill, and come upon them below 
tocut off their retreat; but the captain fear- 
ing in that cafe that they wo^ild, according to 
their cuftom, kill the prifoners, rufhed upon 
them from the top of the hill, by which 
means they retook the captives and plunder, 
but the Indians, rolling down the hill, efcap- 
ed into the fwamp and got to their canoes. 
Another party, under another commander, 
was then fent out in fhallops to intercept 
them as they fliould crofs over to the eaft- 
ward by night. The captain ranged his 
boats in a line, and ordered his men to re- 
ferve their fire till he gave the watch- word. 
It being a calm night the Indians were heard 
as they advanced ; but the captain, unhappi- 
ly giving the word before they had come 
within guu-fhot, they tacked about to the 
fouthward, and going round the Ifles of 
Shoals, by the favour of their light canoes 
efcaped. The watch-word was Crambo, 
which the captain ever after bore as an ap- 
pendage to his title*. On the twenty fixth ^ 
day of July, the people of Dover were way- 

1-1 V ^ ^ . ^ , , / Magnalfc 

laid as they weie returning irom the public ub.y.p.se 
worlhip, when three were killed, three 
wounded, and three carried to Penobfcot, 
from whence they foon found their way 
home. 

* i he account of tliis transiactioQ I had from the late Judge Parker, who 
had taken pains to preserve it. It is mentioned, but not circuir.' tantially, bj 
J)r. Matht^r. Magjslia, lib. 7. page 89. 



^^4 HISTORY OF 

1697. The next year on the tenth of June, the 
town of Exeter was remarkably preferved 
from deftrudlion. A body of the enemy had 
placed themfelves near the town, intending 
to make an affault in the morning of the 
next day. A number of women and chil- 
dren contrary to the advice of their friends 
went into the fields, without a guard, to 
gather ftrawberries. When they were gone 
feme perfons, to frighten them, fired an a- 
larm ; which quickly fpread through the 
town, and brought the people together in 
arms. The Indians fuppofing that they 
were difcovered, and quickened by fear, af- 
ter killing one, wounding another, and tak- 
ing a child, made a hafty retreat and were 
feen no more there. But on the fourth day 
Mag. lib. 7. of July they waylaid and killed the worthy 
wFjour- Major Froil at Kittery, to whom they had 
^3'- owed revenge ever fince the feizure of the 

four hundred at Cochecho, in which he was 
concerned. 

The fame year an invafion of the country 
was projected by the French. A fleet was to 
fail from France to Newfoundland and thence 
to Penobfcot, where being joined by an ar- 
my from Canada, an attempt was to be made 
on Boflon, and the feacoall ravaged from 
theffce to Paicataqua. The plan was too ex- 
tenfive and complicated to be executed in 
one fummer. The fleet came no further 
than Newfoundland ; when the advanced 
feafon, and fcantinefs of provifions obliged 
them to give over the defign. The people 
of New-England were apprized of the dan- 
ger, and made the beft preparations in their 
power. They ftrengthened their fortifico- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. f25 

tions on the coaft, and raifed a body of men 1697, 
to defend the frontiers againft the Indians 
who were expe6lcd to co-operate with the 
French. Some inifchief was done by lurk- 
ing parties at the eaftward ; but New-Hamp- 
fliire was unmolefted by them during the 
remainder of this, and the whole of the fol- 
lowing year. 

After the peace of Ryfwick, Count Fron- 1698. 
tenac informed the Indians that he could 
not any longer fupport them in a war with 
the Engliih, with whom his nation was now 
at peace. He therefore advifed them to bu- 
ry the hatchet rpA refliore their captives. 
Having fuftered much by famine, and being 
divided in their opinions about profecuting 
the war, after a long time they were brought _ 
to a treaty at Cafco ; where they ratified 
their former engagements ; acknowledged January 7. 
fubjeclion to the crown of England ; la- 
mented their former perfidy, and promifed Mag^.ub.?, 
future peace and good behaviour in fuch ^^"^ 
terms as the commiflioners dictated, and 
with as much fincerity as could be expedled. 
At the f ime time they reftored thofe captive* 
who were able to travel from the places of 
their detention to Cafco in that unfavourable 
feafon of the year ; giving afTurance for the 
return of the others in the fpring ; but many 
of the younger fort, both males and females, 
w^ere detained ; who, mingling with the In- voi.a.pa^*, 
dians, contributed to a fucceflion of enemies "^• 
In future wars againft their own country. 

A general viev/ of an Indian war will 
give a juft idea of thefe diftrefling times, and 
be a proper clofe to this narration. 

The Indians were feldgm ^r never f$e!>^ 

E 5S 



226 HISTORY OF 

betore they did execution. They appeared 
not in the open field, nor gave proofs of a 
truly mafculine courage ; but did their ex-s 
ploits by furprize, chiefly in the morning, 
keeping themfelves hid behind logs andbufh- 
es, near the paths in the woods, or the fences 
contiguous to the doors of houfes ; and their 
lurking holes could be known only by the 
report of their guns, which was indeed but 
feeble, as they were fparing of ammunition, 
and as near as poilible to their objecft before 
they fired. They rarely afiaulted an houfe 
unlefs they knew there would be but little 
refinance, and it has been afterward known 
that they have lain in ambulli for days toge- 
ther, watching the motions of the people at 
their work, without daring to difcover them- 
felves. One of their chiefs who had got a 
woman's riding-hood among his plunder 
would put it on, in an evening, and walk in- 
to the ftreets of Portfmouth, looking into the 
windows of houfes and liflening to the con- 
verfation of the people. 

Their cruelty was chiefly exercifed upon 
children, and fuch aged, infirm, or corpulent 
perfons as could not bear the hardiliips of a 
journey through the vvildernefs. If they 
took a woman far advanced in pregnancy 
their knives were plunged into her bowels. 
An infant when it became troublefome had 
its brains daflied out againfl: the next tree or 
Hone. Sometimes to torment the wretched 
mother, they w^ould whip and beat the child 
till almofl: dead, or hold it under water till 
its breath was jufl: gone, and then throw it 
to her to comfort and quiet it. If the moth- 
er could not readily Hill its weeping, the 



i^EW-HAMPSHlRE. 22*7 

hatchet was buried in its fkull. A captive 
wearied with his burden laid on his ihoul- 
ders was often fent to reft the fame way. If 
any one proved refradlory, or was known to 
have been inftrumental of the death of an 
Indian, or related to one who had been fo, 
he was tortvired with a lingering punifh- 
ment, generally at the ftake, while the other 
captives were infulted with the fight of his 
miferies. Sometimes a fire would be kind- 
led and a threatening given out againft one 
or more, though there was no intention of 
facrificing them, only to make f port of their 
terrors. The young Indians often fignalized 
t;heir cruelty in treating captives inhuman- 
ly out of fight of the elder, and when inqui- 
ry was made into the matter, the infulted 
captive muft either be filent or put the beft 
face on it, to prevent worfe treatment for 
the future. If a captive appeared fad and 
dejedled he was fure to meet with infult ; 
but if he could fing and dance and laugh 
with his mafters, he was carelFed as a broth- 
er. They had a ftrong averfion to Negroes, 
and generally killed them when they fell intQ 
their hands. 

Famine was a common attendant on thefe 
doleful captivities ; the Indians when they 
caught any game devoured it all at one fit- 
ting, and then girding themfelves round the 
waift, travelled without fuftenance till chance 
threw more in their way. The captives, un- 
ufed to fuch canine repafts and abftinences, 
could not fupport the furfeit of the one nor 
the craving of the other. A change of maf- 
ters, though it fometimes proved a relief 
from mifery, yet rendered the profpe^: of % 



228 HISTORY Of 

return to their home more diftant. If an 
Indian had loft a relative, a prifoner bought 
for a gun, a hatchet, or a few fkins, muft 
fupply the place of the d:;ceafed, and be the 
father, brother, or fon of the purchaler ; and 
thofe who could accommodate themfelves to 
fuch barbarous adoption, were treated with 
the fame kindnefs as the perfons in whofe 
place they were fubftituted. A fale among 
the French of Canada w^as the moft happy- 
event to a captive, efpecially if he became a 
fervant in a family ; though fometimes even 
there a prifon was their lot, till opportunity 
prefented for their redemption ; while the 
priefts employed every feducing art to per- 
vert them to the popilh religion, and induce 
them to abandon their country. Thefe cir- 
cumftaiices, joined with the more obvioui 
hardihips of travelling half naked and bare- 
foot through pathlefs dtferts, over craggy 
mountains and deep fwamps, through froft, 
rain and fnow, expofed by day and night to 
the inclemency of the weather, and in fum- 
mer to the venomous flings of thofe nmur. 
berlefs infe(5ls with which the woods abound ; 
the reillefs anxiety of mind, the retrofpect 
of paft fcenes of pleafure, the remembrance 
pf diftant friends, the bereavements eriperi- 
enced at the beginning or during the pro- 
giefs of the captivity, .rnd the daily appre- 
henfion of death either by frimine or the 
favage enemy ; thefe were the horrGrs of au 
Indiaji captivity. 

On the other hand, it m;ift be acknovv- 
ledged that there have been inftances of jul^ 
tice, generolity and tciidernefs during thcic 
"vvars, which Tiyo'Tld have done honor to a civr- 



NfiW-HAMPSHIR£i. ^^ 

ilized people. A kindnefs fhewn to an In- 
dian was remembered as long as an injury ; 
and perfons have had their lives fpared for 
a<3:s of humanity done to the anceftors of 
thofe Indians into w^hofe hands they have 
fallen*. They would fometimes " carry 
" children on their arms and fhoulders, feed 
" their prifoners with the beft of their pro-* 
" vifion, and pinch themfelves rather than 
" their captives fhould want food.'* When 
iick or wounded they would aftbrd them 
proper means for their recovery, which they 
were very well able to do by their know? 
ledge of iimples. In thus preferving the 
lives and health of their prifoners, they 
doubtlefs had a view of gain. But the iTioft 
remarkably favourable circumftance in an 
Indian captivity, was their decent behaviour 
to women. I have never read, nor heard, 
nor could find by enquiry, that any woman 
who fell into their hands was ever treat- 
ed with the leaft immodellv ; but teftiino- 
nies the contrary are very frequentf . Wheth- 

* Several instances to this purpose havp been occasionally mentioned ii\ 
the course of this narrative. The following additional one is taken from Capt. 
Jlair.inond's MS Journal. " April 13, 1677. The Indians Simon, An. 
" drew and Peter burnt the house of Ed a aid Weymouth at Sturgeon creek. 
" Tlicy plundered the house of one Crawley but did not kill him, because of 
" some kii'.dnesses done to Pimon's grandmother." 

t Mary Rowlandson who was captured at Lancaster, in 1675, lias this 
passage in her narrative, (p. 55.) " I have been in the midst of these roar- 
ing lions and savage bears, that feared neither God nor man nor the devil, 
bydayand night, alone and incorspany ; sieepingall sorts togetiifir, and yet not 
ir.Q of them ever offered me the least abuse of unchastity in word or action." 

Elizabell) Hanson who was taken from Dover in 1724, testifies in her nar- 
.;nive, (p. 28.) that " the Indians are very civil toward their captive wo- 
v.cii, nut O.Turing any incivility by any indecent carriage." 

William Fleming, who was taken in Pennsylvania, in 1755, says the In- 
ji.iiii toid him "he need not be afraid of their abusing liis wife, for they would 
-.'A do it, for fear of offending their God (pointing their hands toward heav- 
cii) ici- the man that aflronts his God will surely be killed when he goes to 
war." He farther says, that one of them gave his \\ile a shift and petticoat 
-A hicli l\e had among his plunder, and though he was alone with her, yet " he 
turaed hit lack, i.rl went tc sojite distance wl-.ile she piit them on." (p. 10 ) 



230 HISTORY OF 

er this negative virtue is to be afcribed to a 
natural frigidity of conftitution, let philofo- 
phers enquire : The facft it certain ; and it 
was a moft happy circumftance for our fe- 
male captives, that in the midfl of all theii* 
diftrefles, they had no reafon to" fear from a 
favage foe, the perpetration of a crime, which 
has too frequently difgraced not only the 
perfonal but the national chara<5ter of thofe 
who make large pretences to civilization and 
humanity. 

Charlevoix in bis account of the Indians of Canada, says (letter 7.) "Thcj« 
S no example that any have e\-er taken the least liberty with the PfCRcft 
■women, even when they were their prisoners." 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 231 



CHAP. XI. 



The r'wil affuirs of the province during the administrations of 
Usher^ Pariridge, Alkn^ the Earl of BeUamont and Dadltij^ 
comfirehcndinif the rohole controversy roith Allen and Ids heirs. 

John Uftier, Efquire, was a native 
of Bofton, and by profeffion a ftationer. He 
was poflefled of an handfome fortune, and 
fuflained a fair chara6ler in trade. He had 
been employed by the Maflachufetts govern- 
ment, when in England, to negociate the 
purchafe of the province of Maine, from the 
heirs of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and had 
thereby got a tafle for fpeculating in landed 
intereft. He was one of the partners in the 
million purchafe, and had fanguine expedla- 
tions of gain from that quarter. He had 
rendered himielf unpopular among his coun- 
trymen, by accepting the office of treafurer, 
under Sir Edmund AndrofTe, and joining 
with apparent zeal in the meafures of that . 
adminiftration, and he continued a friend- ropers 
ly connexion with that party, after they were 
difplaced. 

Though not illnatured, but rather of an 
open and generous difpofition, yet he want- 
.ed thofe accomplilhments which he might 
kii've acquired by a learned and polite educa- 
tion. He was but little of the ftatefman, and 
lefs of the courtier. Initead of an engaging 
affability he affected :i feverity in his de- 
portment, was loud in converfation, and flern, 
in command. Fond of prefiding in govern- 
menr, he frequently journied into the pro- 



2312? 



HISTORY Ol- 



dies 



vince, (though his reiidence ^>^as at Bofton, 
where he carried on his buiinefs as ulual,) 
and often fummoned the coiiacil when he 
had little or nothing to lay before them. He 
gave orders., and found fault like one who 
felt himfelf independent, and was determin- 
ed to be obeyed. He had an high idea of 
his authority and the dignity of his commif- 
fion, and when oppofed and infulted, as he 
fometimes was, he treated the offenders v/ith 
a feverity which he would not relax till he 
had brought them to fubmiilion. His pub- 
Wovince lie fpeeches were always incorrect, and fome- 
times coarfe and reproachful. 

He feems, however, to have taken as 
nmch care for the intereil and prefervation 
of the province as one in his circumftances 
could have done. He began his adminiflra- 
tion in the height of a war which greatly 
dillrefled and impoveriflied the country, yet 
his views from the beginning were lucra- 
tive'''. The people perceived thefe views, and 
were aware of the da.nger. The transfer of 
the title from Mafon to Allen was only a 
change of names : They expe6led a repetition 
of the fame difficulties under a new claim- 
ant. After the oppoiition they had hitherto 
made, it could not be thought ftrange that 
men whofe pulfe beat high for freedom, 
fhould refufe to fubmit to vallalage ; nor, 
while they were on one lide defending their 

* In a letter to Geora;e Dorrinj^ton and John Taylor in London, he writes 
thus; '-Jan. 29, 1692 — 3. In case yourselves are concerned in the 
" province of New-Hampshire, with prudent manag^ement it niity be worth 
" money, the people only l-ayin;^ 4tl and 2d per acre. The rea?o:i wItj" the 
" commonalty of the people do not agree is because 3 or 4 of the great landed 
" men dissuade them from it. I'hc people have petitioned the king to be 
" annexed to Boston c^ovcrnment, but it will not be for the proprietor'? in- 
" terest to admit of that Bnlesjs the king sendr, a ^/T.era] gov<;rp.(jit 
-''' flver an." 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 233 

pofTefTions againffc a favage enemy, could it 
be exped:ed, that on the other, they fhould 
tamely fufFer the intrufion of a landlord. 
Uilier's intereft was united with theirs in 
providing for the defence of the country, and 
contending with the enemy ; but when the 
propriety of the foil was in queflion, they 
flood on oppofite fides ; and as both thefe 
controverfies were carried on at the fame 
time, the condu6l of the people toward him 
varied according to the exigency of the cafe ; 
they fometimes voted him thanks for his fer- 
'vices, and at other times complained of his 
abufing and opprefTn-g them. 

Some of them would have been content to 
have held their eilates under Allen's title*, 
but the greater part, including the principal 
men, were relblved to oppofe it to the laft 
extremity. They had an averfion not only 
to the proprieta.ry claim on their lands, 
bat their feparation from the Maffachufetts 
government, under which they had former- 
ly enjoyed fo much freedom and peace. 
They had petitioned to be re-annexed to 
them, at the time of the revolution ; and 
they were always very fond of applying to 
them for help in their difficulties, that it 
might appear how unable they were to fub- 
fift alone. They knew alfo that the Maffa- 
chufetts people were as averfe as themfelves 
to Allen's claim, which extended to a 
great part of their lands, and was particular- 
ly noticed in their new charter. 

Soon after Ufher's arrival, he made en- 
quiry for the^papers which contained the 

• " I have 40 hands in Exeter who desire to take patents for lands hof^ 
'' ^o'j, and ina>iY in oth^r towns." Usher to Allen, October 1693/ 



2S4 HISTORY OF 

traniadlions relative to Mafoii's fuits. Du- 
ring the fufpenfioii of government in 1689, 
Captain John Pickering, a man of a rough 
and adventurous fpirit, and a lav\7yer, had 
gone with a company of armed men to the 
houfe of Chamberlayne, the late fecretary 
and clerk, and demanded the records and 
files which were in his pofTeflion. Cham- 
berlayne refufed to deliver them without 
fome legal warrant or fecurity ; but Pickering 
♦ took them by force, and conveyed them over 
the river to Kittery^ Pickering was fum- 
moned before the governor, threatened and 
imprifoned, but for fome time would neith- 
er deliver the books, nor difcover the place 
of their concealment, unlefs by order of the 
aflembly and to fome perfon by them ap- 
pointed to receive them. At length however 
he was conflrained to deliver them, and they 
were put into the hands of the fecretary, by 
the lieutenant-governor's order. 
1693. Another favourite point with Ufl"ier was 
to have the boundary between Newr-Hamp- 
fhire and Maffachufetts afcertained : There 
were reafons which induced fome of the peo- 
ple to fall in with this defire. The general 
idea was, that New-Hamplhire began at the 
end of three miles north of the river Merri- 
mack ; which imaginary line was alfo the 
boundary of the adjoining townfliips on each 
fide. The people who lived, and owned 
lands near thefe limits, pretended to belong 
to either province, as beft fuited their con- 
veniency ; which caufed a difficulty in the 
coUedling taxes, and cutting timber. The 
1695. town of Hampton v^^as fenlibly affc^fled with 
Octobei 12. ^i^Q^Q difficulties, and petitioned tlie council 



NEW-HAMPSHiR¥. ^2S 

that the line might be run. The xouncil 1695. 
appointed a committee of Hampton men to 
do it, and gave notice to the MafTachufetts 
of their intention ; defiring them to join in Prov. files. 
the affair. They difliked it and declined to 
ad:. Upon which the lieutenant-governor 
and council of New-Hampfhire caufed the 
boundary line to be run from the fea-lhore Brief of the 
three miles northward of Merrimack, and case of n. 

, • ^ r ^ Hamp. and 

parallel to the river, as far as any fettlements Massachu. 
had been made, or lands occupied. s*mnge & 

The only attempt made to extend the fet- HoULngs, 
tlement of the lands during thefe times, was 
that in the fpring of the year 1694, while 
there was a truce with the Indians. Ufher 
granted a charter for the townfhip of Kingf- 
ton to about twenty petitioners from Hamp- 
ton. They were foon difcouraged by the 
dangers and difficulties of the fucceeding 
hoftilities, and many of them returned home 
within two years. After the war they re- 
fumed their enterprize ; but it was not till 
the year 1725, that they were able to obtain 
the fettlement of a minifler. No alter- 
ations took place in the old towns, except , ^^^ 
the feparation of Great-Ifland, Little-Har- 
bour, and Sandy-Beach, from Portfmouth, 
and their eredlion into a town by the name 
of New-Caftle ; together with the annexa- 
tion of that part of Squamfcot patent which Prov. f^ 
now bears the name of Stretham, to Exeter, 
it having before been connedled with Hamp- 
ton. 

The lieutenant-governor was very forward 
in thefe tranfpxtions, thinking them circum- 
fiances favourable to his views, and being 
willing to recommend himfelf to the people 



^3^ HISTORY OF 

1 693. by feconding their wifhes fo far as was con« 
fiflent with the interefl he meaned to' fervc 
The people, however, regarded the fettHng 
and dividing of townlhips, and the running 
of lines, only as matters of general conveni- 
ence, and continued to be difgufted with his 
adminiflration. His repeated calls upon 
them for money were anfwered by repeated 
pleas pf poverty, and requefts for afliftance 
from the neighbouring province. Uflier 
ufed all his influence with that government 
to obtain a fupply of men to garrifon the 
frontiers ; and when they wanted provif- 
ions for the garrifons, and could not readily 
raife the money, he would advance it out of 
his own purfe and wait till the treasury 
could reimburfe it. 

For the two or three firft years of his ad- 
min iftration the public charges were provid- 
ed for as they had been before, by an excife 
on wines and other fpirituous liquors, an4 an 
impoil on merchandize. Thefe duties being 
laid only from year to year, Uilier vehe- 
1695. silently urged upon the aiFembly a renewal 
Nov. 7 & 9. of the adl, and an extenfion of the duty to 
articles of export ; and that a part of the 
money fo raifed might be applied to the fup- 
port of government. The anfwer he obtain-^ 
ed was, that ' confidering the expofed ftate 
'of the province, they were obliged to apply 

* all the money they could raife to their de- 
' fence ; and therefore they v/ere not capable 
'• of doing any thing for the fupport of gov- 

* ernment, though they were feniible his 

* honour had been at confiderabie expence ; 

* They begged that he would join with the 
' council in reprefenting to the^ kin the pov^ 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 237 

< erty and danger of the province, that fuch 1'695»' 

* methods might be taken for their fupport 

* and prefervation as to the royal wifdom 

* fhould feem meet.' Being further prefTed 
upon the fubjedl, they palTed a vote to lay 
the propofed duties for one year, ' provided 
' he and the council v^ould join w^ith them 

* in petitioning the king to annex them to 
' the Mafllichufetts.' 

He had the mortification of beinp: difap- 
pointed in his expectations of gain, not only 
from the people, but from his employer. 
Allen had promifed him two hundred and 
fifty pounds per annum for executing his 
commiilion ; and when at the end of the 
third year, Ufher drew on him for the pay- 
ment of this fum, his bill came back pro- 
tefted*. This was the more mortifying, as 
he had afliduoufly and faithfully attended to 
Allen's intereft, and acquainted him from 
time to time with the means he had ufed, 
the difficulties he had encountered, the pleas 
he had urged, the time he had fpent, and 
the expence he had incurred in defence and 
fupport of his claim. He now defired him teft^Ai!^ 
to come over and afTume the government '""".' q'^ 
himfelf, or get a fucceffor to him appointed i695 
m the office of lieutenant-governor. He did 
not know that the people were before hand 
of him in this latter requefl. 

On a pretence of difloyalty he had remov- 
ed Hinckes, Waldron, and Vaughan from 
their feats in the council. The former of 
thefe was a man who could change with the 

r 

^* It is probable tliat Allen was not able to comply with this demand, 
ihe purcliase of the province from the Masons had been made " with othei 
>' men's njoney.'' Letter of V?hr\- to Sir IMatthPw Di-dJey, Sfpt, 1718. 



238 HISTORY OF 

1695. times ; the two latter were fleady oppofers 
of the proprietary claim. Their fufpenlion 
irritated the people^ who, by their influence, 
privately agreed to recommend William Par- 
tridge, Efq.^s a proper perfon for their lieu- 
tenant-governor in Ulher's (lead. Partridge 
was a native of Portfmouth, a fhipwright, of 
an extraordinary mechanical genius, of a 
politic turn of mind, and a popular man. 
He was treafurer of the province, and had 
been ill ufed by Ufher. Being largely con- 
cerned in trade he was well known in Eng- 
land, having fupplied the navy with malls 
and timber. His fudden departure for Eng- 
land was very furprizing to Ulher, who 
could not imagine he had any other bnfinefs 
than to fettle his accounts. But the furprife 
1 fiQ7 ^^'^^ greatly increafed when he returned with 
3amiary.* ^ commiffion appointing him lieutenant- 
governor and commander in chief in Allen's 
ktlSrin^ abfence. It was obtained of the lords juf- 
fiie? tices in the king's abfence, by the intereft of 

Sir Elenry Afhurft, and v/as dated June 6, 
1696. 

Immediately on his arrival, his appoint- 
ment was publickly notified to the people ; 
though, either from the delay of making out 
his inllru^lions, or for want of the form of 
an oath necelTary to be taken, the commifTion 
was not publifhed in the ufual manner : But 
the party in oppofition to Uflier triumphed. 
The fufpended counlellors refumed their 
feats, Pickering was made king's attorney, 
and Hinckes as prefident of the council, o- 
>ine 8. pened the afTembiy with a fpeech. This ai- 
Ms Laws, fembly ordered fhe records which had been 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 239 

taken from Pickering to be depofited in the 1697, 
hands of Major Vaughan, who was appoint- 
ed recorder : In confequence of which they 
have been kept in that office ever fince. 

Ufjier being at Boflon when this altera- 
tion took place, wrote to them, declaring 
that no commiflion could fuperfede his till 
duly publifhed ; and intimated his intention 
of coming hither " if he could be fafe with 
" his life." He alfo difpatched his fecretary, 
Charles Story, to England, with an account of 5^1, 20 
this tranfa(5lion, which in one of his private 
letters he (lyles " the Pafcataqua rebellion ;'* 
adding, that " the militia were raifed, and 
" forty horfe fent to feize him ;" and inti- 
mating that the confulion was fo great, that 
" if but three French fhips were to appear, 
** he believed they would furrender on the Letteii^ 
" firll fummons." The extreme imprudence 
of fending fuch a letter acrofs the Atlantic 
in time of war, was ftill heightened by an 
appreheniion which then prevailed, that the 
Freiich were preparing an armament to in- ^^ q^^ 
vade the country, and that " they particu- stough- 
" larly deiigned for Pafcataqua river.'* of Feb. 2^ 

In anfwer to his complaint, the lords of '" ^' " 
trade diredled him to continue in the place Aug. s. 
of lieutenant-governor till Partridge fhould 
qualify himfelf, or till Richard. Earl of Bel- 
lomont, iliould arrive ; v/ho was commiffion- 
ed to the government of New-York, MafTa- 
chufetts Bay and New-Hampiliire ; but had 
not yet departed from England. Uflier re- 
reived the letter from the lords together with 
the articles of peace wliich had been con- 
cluded at Ryfwick, and immediately fet 
off for New-Hamplhlrc, (where he had not 



Dec. 10 



240 



HISTORY OF 



Dec. la. 



Dec 14. 



Coundl 
files. 



1698. 

January 3 



1697. been for a year) proclaimed the peace, and 
publillied the orders he had received, and 
having proceeded thus far, " thought all 
" well and quiet." But his oppofers having 
held a confultation at night, Partridge's corn- 
million v^as the next day publifhed in form ; 
he took the oaths, and entered on the ad- 

usher's pa. jn^riiftration of government, to the complete 
vexation and difappointment of Uflier, w^ho 
had been fo elated with the confirmation of 
his commilTion, that as he pafFed through 
Hampton, he had forbidden the minifter ot 
that place to obferve a thankfgiving day, 
which had been appointed by Prelideiit 
Hinckes. 

An afTembly being called, one of their 
firfl adls was to write to the lords of trade, 
' acknowledging the favour of the king in 

* appointing one of their ov/n inhabitants 

* to the command of the province, complain- 

* ing of Ufher, and alledging that there had 

* been no diilurbances but what he himfelf 
' had made ; declaring that thofe counfellors 
'whom he had fufpended were loyal fub- 
' jecls, and capable of ferving the king ; and 

* informing their lordfhips that Partridge had 
' iK)w qualified himfelf, and that they were 
' waiting the arrival of the Earl of Bello- 

* mont.' 
They alfo deputed Ichabod Plaifted to 

wait on the Earl at New-York, and compli- 
ment him on his arrival. ' If he fliould find 
*- his lordihip high, and referved, and not eafy 

* of accefs, he was inflruded to employ fome 
' gentleman who was in his confidence to 
' manage the bufinefs ; but if eafy and free, 
' he was to wait on him in perfon ; to tell 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 241 

* him how joyfully they received the news 1698. 

* of his appointment, and that they daily ex- 

* peeled Governor Allen, whofe commiflion piaisted*, 

* would be accounted good till his lordfhip's instruction* 
' fhould be puhliilied, and to alk his advice 

* how they fliould behave in fuch a cafe.* 
The principal defign of tliis melTage v,^as to 
make their court to the earl, and get the 
ftart of Ulher or any of his friends who 
might prepoifefs him with an opinion to 
their difadvantage. But if thi? fhould have 
happened, Plaiiled was directed * to obferve 
' what reception they met with. If his lord- 
' fhip was ready to come this way, he w:- :o 
' beg leave to attend him as far as Bofcon, 
' and then afk his pe rmiiiion to return home ;' 
and he was furnilhed with a letter of credit 
to defray his expences. This mefTage, which 
fhews the contrivers to be no mean politi- , 
cians, had the defired effedt. 

The earl continued at New- York for .the 
firft year after his arrival in America ; dur- ^ 23 
ing which time Governor Allen came over, 
as it was expelled, and his commiffion being 
flill in force, he took the oaths and afliimed 
the command. Upon which Ulher again ^^p*' *' ■ 
made his appearance in council, where he Nov. 29 
produced the letter from the lords of trade, 
claimed his place as lieutenant-governor, and 
declared that the fufpended counfellors had 
no right to fit till reflored by the king's or- 
der. This brought on an altercation, where- 
in Elliot aliirmed that Partridge was duly 
qualified and in office, that Waldron and 
Vau^^han had been fufpended without caufe, 
ind that if tKey were hot allowed to fit, the 
reO wo^e determined to refign. The gover-.- 



^2 History oi' 

1698. nor declared Uflier to be of the council ; up* 
on which Elliot withdrew. 

, xjQQ At the fucceeding afTembly two new coun- 

Knuary 5. f^llors appeared ; Jofeph Smith, and Kingfly 
Hall. The firft day pafled quietly. The 
governor approved Pickering as fpeaker of 
the houfe ; told them he had aflumed the 
government becaufe the Earl of Bellomont 
had not arrived ; recommended a continu- 
ance of the excife and powder money, and 
advifed them to fend a congratulatory mef- 

January 6. fage to the Earl at New-York. The next 
day the houfe anfwered, that they had con- 
tinued the cuftoms and excife till Novem- 
ber, that they had already congratulated the 
earl, and received a kind anfwer, and were 
waiting his arrival ; liDhen they ihould enter 
further on bufinefs. They complained that 
Allen's condudl had been grievous in forbid- 
ding the collecSling of the laft tax, w^hereby 
the public debts were not paid ; in difplac- 
ing fundry fit perfons, and appointing oth- 
ers lefs fit, and admitting Uflier to be of the 
council, though fuperfeded by Partridge's 
commilfion. Thefe things they told him 
had obliged fome members of the council 
and afTembly to apply to his lordfliip for re- 
lief, and " unlefs he fhould manage with a 
" more moderate hand" they threatened him 
with a fecond application. 

The fame day Coffin and Weare moved a 
queftion in council, whether Uflier was one 
of that body. He afTerted his privilege, and 
obtained a major vote. They then entered 
their diffent, and defired a uifmifiion. The 
governor forbad their depr.rture. Weare 
anfwered that he would not, by fittinsc there. 



NEW-HAMPSHIR£, 24S 

put concempt on the king's commiffion, 1699( 
meaning Partridge's, and withdrew. The 
next day the alFembly ordered the money 
ariling from the impoft and excife to be kept 
in the treafary, till the Earl of Bellomont's 
arrival ; and the governor dilTolved them. 

Thefe violences on his part were fuppofed 
to originate from Uilier's refentment, and his 
overbearing influence upon Allen, who is 
faid to have been rather of a pacific and con- 
defcending difpolidon. The fame ill temper 
continued during the remainder of this fhort 
adminiftration. The old counfellors, ex- 
cepting Fryar, refufed to fit. Sampfon 
SheaiFe and Peter Weare made up the quo- 
rum. SheafFe was alfo fecretary. Smith 
treafurer, and William Ardell fherifF. The 
conftables refufed to colled, the taxes of the 
preceeding year, and the governor was o- 
bliged to revoke his orders, and commiflion Msinfii«. 
the former conftables to do the duty which 
he had forbidden. 

In the fpring the earl of Bellomont fet out 
for his eaftern governments. The council 
voted an addrefs, and fent a committee, of 
which Ufher was one, to prefent it to him at 
Bofton ; and preparations were made for his 
reception in New-PIampihire ; where he at 
length came and publifhed his commifiion ^"'^ **' 
to the great joy of the people, who now faw~ 
at the head of the government a nobleman 
of diftinguifhed figure and polite manners, a 
firm friend to the revolution, a favourite of 
King William, and one who had no intereft in 
opprefiing theai. 

During the controverfy with Allen, Parr 
ipridge had withdrawn ; but upon this change 



244 HISTORY OF 

1699. he took his feat as Hemenant-governor, and 
the difplaced couiifellors were again called 
to the board. A petition was prefented a- 
gainft the judges of the fuperior court, and 
a proclamation was iiTued for juflices of the 
peace and conftables only to continvie in of- 
fice, whereby the j udges commiffions deter- 
mined. Richard Jofe was made flieriflp in 
the room of Ardell, and Charles Story fecre- 
tary in the room of SheafFe. 

The government was now modelled in 
favour of the people, and they rejoiced in 
the change, as they apprehended the way 
was opened for an effectual fettlement of 
their long continued difficulties and difputes. 
Both parties laid their complaints before the 
governor, who vdieiy avoided cenfuring 
either, and advifed to a revival of the courts 
of juftice, in which the main controverfy 
' might be legally decided. This was agreed 
to, and the necelTary adls being paiTed by an 
aflembly, (who alio prefented the earl v^'ith 
five hundred pounds which he obtained the- 
king's leave to accept) after about eighteen 
days flay he quitted the province, leaving 
Partridge, notv cpiietly feated in the chair, 
to appoint the judges of the rcfi^ecflive 
courts. Hinckes was made chief juilice oi 
iierordl t^^ fuperior court, with Peter Coffin, John 
Gerriih and John Plaifted for affiilants 3 
Waldron chief Juftice of the inferior court, 
with Henry Dow, Theodore Atkinfon and 
John Woodman for affiftants. 

One principal object of the earl's attention 
was to fortify the hn.rbour, and provide for 
the defence of the country in cafe of anoth- 
er war, He had recommended to the aifem- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 245 

biy ill his fpe'ech. the building a ftrong fort 1699. 
on Great Illand, and afterward, in his letters, 
afTured tliem that if they would provide ma- ^ ^^^q 
terials, he would endeavour to prevail on j^^^ g ' 
the king to be at the expence of eredling it. 
Col. Romer, a Dutch Engineer, having view* 
ed the fpot, produced to the affembly an efti^ 
mate of the coft and tranfportation of ma~ 
terials, amounting to above fix thoufand 
pounds. They were amazed at the propo- 
fal ; and returned for anfwer to the governor, 
that in their greateft difficulties, when their 
lives and eltates were in the mofl imminent 
hazard, they were never able to raife one 
thoufand pounds in a year* ; that they had 
been exceedingly impoveriflied by a long 
war, and were now ftruggling under an 
heavy debt, befides being engaged in a con- 
troverfy with " a pretended proprietor ;'* 
that they had expended more " blood and 
" money" to fecure his majefty's interefl and 
dominion in New-England than the intrinfic 
value of their eilates, and that the fortifying 
the harbour did as much concern the Maf- 
fachufetts as themfelves ; but they conclud- 
ed with afluring his lordlhip, that if he were 
" thoroughly acquainted with their mifera- 

* I have here placed in one viewsuc'i assessments aa I have been able t» 
find during the preceding war, with the proportion of each town, wliich va- 
ried according to their respective circumstances at different times. 

(MS Laws.) 



, I 1692. 
Portsmouth,! 



70 

Hampton, 1 

Dove?, ,'66 13 4 

Exeter, \^^ 
New Casr!c.'.33 6 « 



i 1693. 


1694.; 1693. 


Uncert. | 1697. j 


210 


167 1 


129 6 1 


140 1 6 


200 


230 


172 14 6 ' 


187 2 41-2 


110 


90 


117 16 6 


127 9 71-2 


80 


127 


106 16 


115 14 


1 


86 


73 7 


7912 6 



f,. I 200 I 600 I 700 I 400 | 600 | 650 



246 HISTORY OS 

1700. " ble, poor and mean circumftances, they 
" would readily fubmit to whatever he 
" fliould think them capable of doing.'' 
MS in files. They were alfo required to furnifti their 
quota of men to join with the other colonies 
in defending the frontiers of New-York in 
cafe of an attack*. This they thought ex- 
tremely hard, not only becaufe they had 
never received the leail alliflance from New- 
York in the late wars, but becaufe an opin- 
ion prevailed among them that their ene-r 
mies had received fupplies from the Dutch at 
Albany, and that the plunder taken from 
their defolated towns had been fold in that 
Smith's place. There was however no opportunity 
York", page ^ov affording this alllftance, as the New- 
108, 175, Yorkers took care to maintain a good un- 
derflanding with the French and Indians for 
the benefit of trade. 

But to return to Allen : He had as little 
profpedl of fuccefs in the newly eflablifhed 
courts, as the people had when Ma Ion's fuits 
Printed were carried on under Cranfield's govern- 
IT^ °^^ ment. On examinin"; the records of the fu- 
«e, page9. pcnor court it was found that twenty-four 
leaves were mifling, in which it was fuppofed 
the judgments recovered by Mafon were re- 
corded. No evidence appeared of his having 
obtained polfelliou. The work was to be- 
gin anew ; and Waldron, being one of the 
principal landholders and moft flrenuous op- 
pofers of the claim, was fingled out to fland 
foremoil in the controverfy with Allen, as 

* The quotas of men to be furnis])ed by each government for tlie deffnct 
<fi New-York, if attacked, were as follows, viz. 

Massachusetts 3S0 j Ne;w-York, 200 | Pennsylvania 80 

New- Hampshire 40 | East New-Jersey 60 j Maryland 160 
Rhode-I?!:ind iS j West New-Jersey 60 j Virginia 240^ 

Cojinectieut '126 j 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 247 

liis father had with Mafon. The caufe went 17(KX 
through the courts, and was invariably giv- 
en in favour of the defendant with cofts. 
Allen's only refuge was in an appeal to the "^' 
king, which the court, following the exam- 
ple of their brethren in the MalTachufetts, 
refufed to admit. He then petitioned the 
king ; who by an order in council granted 
him an appeal, allowing him eight months 
to prepare for its profecution. 170l< 

The refufal of an appeal could not fail of April 2i. 
being highly refented in England. It was 
feverely animadverted on by the lords of 
trade, who in a letter to the Earl of Bello- ^prii n, 
mont upon this occafion, fay : " This declin- 
" ing to admit appeals to his Majefty in 
*' council, is a matter that you ought very 
" carefully to watch againfl in all your gov- 
" ernments. It is an humour that prevails 
•" fo much in proprieties and charter colonies 
" and the Indepcnde7icy they thirft after is 
" now fo notorious, that it has been thought 
" fit thofe confiderations, together with other 
'" objed:ions againfl thofe colonies, fhould be 
*' laid before the parliament ; and a bill has 
" thereupon been brought into the houfe of 
^ lords for re-uniting the right of govern- 
■** ment in their colonies to the crown." MSinfifes. 

Before this letter was wrote the earl died 
at New- York, to the great regret of the peo- ^"'^^''^^ ^' 
pie in his feveral governments, among whom 
he had made himfelf very popular. A copy 
of the letter was fent to New- York ; but 
the bill mentioned in it was not pafTed into 
;an a6l of parliament. For fome reafons of 
Aate it was rejedled by the houfe of lords. 

The afTembiy of New-Hampfhire, having 



Oct. 14. 



£48 HISTORY OF 

1701. now a fair opportunity, endeavoured a« 
?"^''^si°^ much as pofTible to provide for their own 

fecurity ; and pafTed two adls, the one for 
^^^' * confirming the grants of lands which had 
been made within their feveral townlhips :, 
the other for afcertaining the bounds of 
them. Partridge gave his confent to thefe 
adts ; but Allen had the addrefs to get them 
difallowed and repealed becaufe there was 
Ais Laws, no referve made in them of the proprietor's 
right. 

The controverfy being brought before the 
king, both fides prepared to attend the fulr. 
Allen's age, and probably want of caih, pre- 
vented his going in perfon ; he therefore ap- 
pointed Uflier to adl for him, having previ- 
oufly mortgaged one half of the province to 
him, for fifteen hundred pounds ; Vaughan 

1702. was appointed agent for the province, and 
May 29. attomey to Waldron. It being a general in- 

terefl, the aflembly bore the expence, and 
notwithflanding their pleas of poverty on 
other occafions provided a fund, on which 
the agent might draw in cafe of the emer- 
gency. 

In the mean time King William died and 
Queen Anne appointed Jofeph Dudley Efq. 
formerly prefident of New-England, to be 
governor of MafTachufetts and New-Hamp- 
lliire ; whofe commifiion being publiflied at 

July IS. Portfmouth, the aiTembly by a well timed 
prefent interefted him in their favour, 
and afterward fettled a falary on him during 
his adminiftration, agreeably to the queen's 

Records.^ inflru6lions, who about this time forbad her 
governors to receive any but fettled falaries. 
When Allen's appeal came before ths 



18. 

Council Si 
Assembly 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. H^ 

queeri in council, it was found that his at- 1702. 
torney had not brought proof that Mafon f^^^^J^. 
had ever been legally in pofTeflion ; for len's mic, 
want of this, the judgment recovered by **' '' 
Waldron was affirmed ; but the order of 
council direcfled that the appellant * Ihould 

* be at liberty to begin /^e novo by a writ of of ix)^^ 
'eje<5lment in the courts of New-Hampfhire, Trade rc 

* to try his title to the lands, or to quit-rents i75s. 
' payable for the fame ; and that if any doubt 

' in law fhoald arife, the jury fhould declare 

* what titles each party did feverally make 

* out to the lands in queftion, and that the i 

* points in law ihould be referred to the court ; 

* or if any doubt Ihould arife concerning giJ^coS^ 

* the evidence, it fhould be fpecially dated in 

* writing, that if either party fhould appeal 

* to her majefly fhe might be more fully in- 

* formed, in order to a final determination.* 

While this appeal was depending, a peti- 
tion was prefented to the queen, praying that 
Allen might be put in polTeflion of the waiie 
lands. This petition was referred to Sir Ed- 
ward Northey, attorney general, who was or- 
dered to report on three queflions, viz. 

1 . Whether Allen had a right to the wafles, 

2. What lands ought to be accounted 
wafte. 3. By what method her majefly 
might put him into polTefTion. At the fame 
time Ulher was making interefl to be re-ap- 
pointed lieutenant-governor of the province. 
Upon this Vaughan entered a complaint to 
the queen, fetting forth ' that Allen claimed 
' as wafle ground not only a large tradl of 

* unoccupied land, but much of that which 

* had been long enjoyed by the inhabitants, 

* as common pafture, within the bounds of 

Hh 



fapers. 



250 HISTORY OF 

1702. * their feveral townfnips. That Uflier, by his 

* former managements and mifdemeanours 

* when in office, had forced fome of the prin- 
' cipal inhabitants to quit the province, and 

* had greatly harafTed and difgufted all the 
' reft, rendering himfelf quite unacceptable 

* to them. That he was interefted in the 

* foits now depending, as on Allen's death he 

* would in right of his wife be entitled to 

* part of the eftate. Wherefore it was hum- 

* bly fubmitted whether it would be proper to 

* appoint, as lieutenant-governor, one whofe 

* intereft and endeavour it would be to dif- 

* feize the people of their ancient eftates, and 

* render them uneafy ; and it vf as prayed that 

* no letters might be wrote to put Allen in 

* poffeilion of the waftes till the petitioner 
' fhould be heard by council.' 

1703. Ufher's intereft however prevailed. The 
January 28. attomcy-general reported, that ' Allen's claim 

' to the waftes was valid ; that all lands un- 
' inclofed and unoccupied were to be reputed 

* wafte ; that he might enter into and take 

* poffeilion of them, and if difturbed might 
' affert his right and profecute trefpaffers in 

* the courts there ; but that it would not be 

* proper for her majefty to interpofe, unlefs 
' the queftion came before her by appeal 
' from thofe courts ; fave, that it might be 
' reafonable to direcft (if Allen fliould infift 

* on it at the trials) that matters of fa6l be 
files] * found fpecially by the juries, and that thefe 

* fpecial matters fliouId be made to appear 

* on an appeal.' 

Soon after this Ufher obtained a ferond 

j^j 2g commiffion as lieutenant-governor ; but was 

exprefsly reftricfled from intermedling ' with 



NEW-HAMPSHIRt. 251 

* the appointment of judges or juries, or oth- 1703. 

* erwife, in matters relating to the difputes 

* between Allen and the inhabitants.' The 
people did not relifh this re-appointment, 
nor did his fubfequent <:ondu(3; reconcile 

them to it. Upon his firft appearance in October 27. 
council Partridge took his feat as counfellor ; 
but the next day deiired a difmiflibn on ac- 
count of a fhip in the river which demanded 
his conftant attention. This requeft was 
granted, and he foon after removed to New- 
bury, where he fpent the reft of his days in 
a mercantile department, and in the bulinefs 
of his profeflion.* 

It had always been a favourite point with 
Uflier to get the books and files, which had 
been taken from Chamberlayne, lodged in the 
iecretary's office. Among thefe files were 
tlie original minutes of the fuits which Ma- 
fon had carried on, and the verdid:s, judg- 
ments and bills of coft he had recovered. 
As they were committed to the care of the 
recorder who was appointed by the general 
court and removeable only by them, no ufe 
could be made of thefe papers but by confent 
of the aflembly. When Ulher produced to j^^^ ^ 
the council an order from Whitehall that 
thefe records fhould be depofited with the 
fecretary, Penhallow, the recorder, who was 1704. 
a member of the council, refufed to deliver 
them without an adl of the general alTembly 
authorizing him to do fo. 

Ulher fucceeded but little better in hi^ ap- 
plications for money. He alledged that he 

* His son Richard Partri'%e was an agent for the province in England. 
One of his daughters was married to Governor Belcher, and was mother to 
jhe late lieutenaiit-e:overror of Nova-5cotip 



J52 HISTORY OF 

1704. had received nothing for his former fervices, 
though they had given hundreds to Part- 
ridge ; and complained that no houfe was 
provided for him to refide in, which obliged 
him to fpend mofl of his time at Bofton. 
The plea of poverty always at hand was not 
forgotten in anfwer to thefe demands. But 
at length, upon his repeated importunity and 
Dudley's earned recommendation, after the 
affembly had refufed making any provifion 
for him, and the governor had exprefsly di- 
recfled him to refide at New-Caftle, and ex- 

■^ly '>■ ftrcife a regular command, it being a time of 
war ; the council were prevailed upon to al- 
low him two rooms in any houfe he could 
procure " till the next meeting of the affem- 
bly," and to order thirty-eight JhUl'tngs to be 
given him for the expence of his "journey 
to and from Bofton." 

When Dudley acquainted the affembly 

ifeb. 10. with the royal determination in Allen's fuits, 
they appeared tolerably fatisfied with theequi- 
table intention difcovered therein ; but beg- 
ged him to reprefent to her majcffy that 
' the province was at leafl fixty miles long 
' and twenty v/ide, containing twelve hun- 
*dred fq\iare miles, that the inhabitants 
' claimeii only the property of the lands con- 
' tained within the bounds of their townfliips, 
'which was lefs than one third of the prov- 

* inoe, aiid had been poifeffed by them and 
' their anceftors more than fixty years ; that 
'tliey had nothing to oifer as a grievance if 

* the other two thirds were adjudged to Al- 

* len ; but fliould be glad to fee the fame 

* planted and i'ettled for the better fecurity 

* ?nd defence of rlir x^rhole : withal deiiring 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 253 

' it might be conlidered how much time, bloed 1704. 
' and treafure had been fpent in fettling and 

* defending this part of her majefty's domia- 

* ion, and that the coft and labour beftowed "^ 
' thereon far exceeded the true value of the 

' land fo that they hoped it was not her maj- 

* efly's intention to deprive them of all th6 

* herbage, timber and fuel, without which. 

* they could not fublill, and that the lands 

* comprehended within the bounds of their 

* townfhips was little enough to afford thefe Records of 
' necelFary articles ; it not beine: ufual in thefe t^^^ «>""«* 
' plantations to tence in more or their lands biy. 

* than would ferve for tillage, leaving the reift 
' unfenced for the feeding their cattle in 
' common.' 

Notwithftanding this plea, whieH was often 
alledged, Allen, by virtue of the queen's per- 
miflion, had entered upon and taken poflefTion Dec. 22, 
by turf and twig of the common land in each ^''°^' 
townfhip, as well as of that which was with- usher'e 
out their bounds, and brought his writ of F«pe" 
ejectment de novo againft Waldron and when 
the trial was coming on informed Governor 
Dudley thereof, that he might come into 
court and demand a fpecial verdi(5l agreeably 
to the queen's inftrudlions. Dudley from 
Boflan informed the court of the day when 
he intended to be at Portfmouth and diredl- 
ed the judges to adjourn the court to that day. 
Before it came he heard of a body of Indians 1704. 
above Lancafter, which had put the country Aug. 10. 
in alarm, and ordered the court to be again 
adjourned. At length he began his journey ; 
but was taken ill at Newbury, with aijea- ^^^^^ 
Jonable fit of the gravel, and proceeded no far- state of ai. 
thei:. The jury in the mean time refufed to p,V. '^^^ 



254 HISTORY OF 

1704. bring in a fpecial verdidl ; but found for the 
defendant with cofls, Allen again appealed 
from the judgment. 

Perplexed, however, with thefe repeated 
difappointments, and at the fame time being 
low in purfe, as well as weakened with age, 
he fought an accommodation with the peo- 
ple, with whom he was defirous to fpend the 
remainder of his days in pjeace. It has been 
faid that he made very advantageous offers 
to Vaughan and Waldron if they would pur- 
chafe his title ; but that they utterly refufed 
it. The people were fenlible tliat a door was 
ilill open for litigation ; and that after Al- 
len's death they might, perhaps, meet with 
as much or more difficulty from his heirs, 
among Vndiom Ufher would probably have a 
great influence : They well knew his inde- 
- fatigable induftry in the purfuit of gain, that 
he was able to harrafs them in law, and had 
great interefl in England. They therefore 
thought it bell to fall in with Allen's views, 
and enter into an accommodation with him. 

1 705. -^ general meeting of deputies being held at 
Mays. Portfmouth, the following refolutions and 

propofals were drawn up, viz. ' That they 
' had no claim or challenge to any part of the 

* province without the bounds of the four 

* towns of Portfmouth, Dover, HaiTzpton and 

* Exeter, with the hamlets of New-Caftle and 
.fOTi ' Kingflon, which were all comprehended 

^ * within line? already known and laid out, 

* and which fliould forthwith be revifed ; but 

* that Allen and his heirs might peaceably 

* hold and enjoy the faid great wafte, contain- 
' ing Jorfy miles hi length and twenty in breadth^ 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 255 

or thereabouts, at the heads of the four 1705. 
towns aFoiWaid, if it fhould fo pleafe her 
majefly ; and that the inhabitants of the 
four towns would be fo far from interrupt- 
ing the fettlement thereof, that they delired 
the faid wafte to be planted and filled with 
inhabitants, to whom they would give all 
the encouragement and afliflance in their 
power. That in cafe Allen would, for him- 
felf and heirs, forever quit claim, to the 
prefent inhabitants and their heirs, all that 
tract of land 'comprehended within the 
bounds of the feverai towns, and warrant 
and defend the fame againft all perfons, free 
of mortgage, entailment and every other in- 
cumbrance, and that this agreement fhould 
be accepted and confirmed by the queen ; 
then they would lot and lay out to him and 
his heirs five hundred acres within the town 
of Portfmouth and New-Caftle, fifteen hun- 
dred in Dover, fifteen hundred in Hamp- 
ton and Kingflon, and fifteen hundred in 
Exeter, out of the commonages of the faid 
towns, in fuch places, not exceeding three 
divifions in each town, as fhould befl ac- 
commodate him and be leall detrimental to 
them ; and that they would pay him or his 
heirs two thoufand pounds current money 
of New-England at two payments, one with- 
in a year after receiving the royal confirma- 
tion of this agreement, and the other within 
a year after the firfl: payment. That all con- 
trails made either by Mafon or Allen with 
any of the inhabitants, or others, for lands 
or other privileges in the polTeffion of their 
tenants in their own juft right, befide the. 
claim of Mafon and Allen, and no other. 



256 HISTORY or 

170^. *lliouId be accounted valid ; but that if an^ 

* of the purchafers, lefTces or tenants fhould 

* refufe to pay their juft part of thefums agreed 

* on, according to the lands they held, their 
' fliare fhould be^ abated by Allen out of the 
' two thouland pounds payable by this agree- 
' ment. That upon Allen's acceptance, and 

* underwriting of theie articles, they would 

* give perfonal fecurity for the aforefaid pay- 

* ment ; Mid that all adlions and fuits depend- 
' ing in law concerning the premifes fliould 
•ceafe till the queen's pleafure fhould be 

* known.' 

of n/^on '^hefe articles were ordered to be prefented 

fif j.ordsef to i\llen for his acceptance : But fo defirable 

j^o^' an iffue of the controverfy was prevented by 

his fudden death, which happened on the 

Aext day. He left a fon and four daughters, 

and died inteflate. 

Colonel Allen is reprefented as a gentle- 
man of no remarkable abilities, and of afoli- 
Aticinson's tary rather than a focial difpoiition ; but 
" mild, obliging and charitable. His charac- 
wraTsi- ^^^y ^vhile he was a merchant in London, was 
nionand fair and upright, and his donieflic deport- 
Mr.'^prince, mcnt amiable and exemplary. He was a 
•^^- member of the church of England by pro- 
fefTion, but conftantly attended divine wor- 
fhip in the congregation at New-Caflle, and 
was aflri(5^ obferver of the chriftian fabbath. 
He died on the fifth of May 1705, in the 
feventieth year of his age, and was buried in 
the fort. 

After his death his onlv fon, Thomas Af~ 
1706. len, Efq. of London, renewed the fuit, by pe- 
titioning the queen, who allowed him to 
bring a new writ of ejecl:menr, and ordeied 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ^ 257 

a revival of the direc5llons given to the gov- 1706^ 
crnor in 1703, with relpedl to the jury's find- ^^y *^ 
ing a fpecial verdidt. Accordingly Allen, 
having previouily conveyed one half of the 
lands in New-Hampfliire by deed of fale to 
Sir Charles Hobby, and appointed his moth- August 20. 
er Elizabeth Allen his attorney, brcnight his 
writ of ejedlment againft Waldron in the in- 

. . ^ 111 Apnl 19. 

xerior cotirt 01 common pleas where he was 
call. He then removed it by appeal to the 
fuperior court, where it had been tried three 
years before. As this was the lafl trial, and as 
all the ftrength of both parties was fully dis- 
played on the occafion, it will be proper to 
give as juft a view of the cafe as can now be 
coUedled from the papers on file in the office 
of the fuperior court. 

On Allen's part were produced copies of 
the charter by vv^hich King James I. confti- 
tuted the council of Plymouth ; their grants 
to Mafon in 1629 and 1635 ; his lad will 
and teftament ; an inventory of artillery, 
arms, ammunition, provifions, merchandize 
and cattle left in the c^re of his agents here 
at his death ; depofitions of feveral ancient 
perfons taken in 1685, who remembered the 
houfes, fields, forts, and other pofieflions of 
Capt. Mafon at Portfmouth and Newichwan- 
nock, and were acquainted with his agents, 
.fte wards, factors and other fervants, who di- 
videdthe cattle and merchandize among them 
after his death ; the opinions of Sir Geoffry 
Palmer, Sir Francis Winnington and Sir Wil- 
liam Jones in favour of the validity of Ma- 
fon's title ; King Charles' letter to the prefi- 
dent and council of New-Hampfhire in 1680 ; 
the paragraph of Cranfield's commiflioa 

ii 



^58 HISTORY OI^ 

1707. which refpeds Mafon s claim in 1682 ; th6 
writ, verdidl, judgment and execution againfl 
Major Waldron in 1G83 ; the decilion of the 
king in council againfl Vaughan in 1686 ; 
Dudley's writ of certiorari in 1688 ; the fine 
and recovery in Weft minder-hall whereby 
the entail was cut off, and the confequent 
deed of fale to Allen in 1691 ; Sir Edward 
Northey's report in 1703 ; and evidence of 
Allen's taking pofTelTion of the waftes, and 
of his inclofing and occupying fome land at 
Great Ifland. On this evidence, it was plead- 
ed that the title derived from Mafon, and his 
pofTeffion of the province, of which the lands 
in queftion were part, was legal ; that the 
appellee's pofTeflion had been interrupted by 
the appellant and thol'e from whom he de- 
rived his title, more efpecially by the judg- 
ment recovered by Robert Mafon againft 
Major Waldron ; and a fpecial verdicfl was 
moved for, agreeably to the royal dire(5lions. 
The council on this fide were James Mein- 
zies and John Valentine. 

On Waldron's part was produced the deed 
from four Indian fachems to Whelewright 
and others in 1629 ; and depofidons taken 
from feveral ancient perfons who teftified 
that they had lived vv'iih Major Waldron^ 
when he began his plantation at Cochecho, 
about the year 1640, and allified him in 
building his houfes and mills, and that no 
perfon had difturbed him in the pofTefiion 
thereof for above forty years. To invalidate 
the evidence of the title produced on the op- 
pofite fide, it was pleaded. That the alledg- 
ed grant from the council of Plymouth to 
Maibn in 1629, was not figned ; that livor) 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 259 

and feizin were not endorfed on it as on oth- 1707. 
er of their grants, and as was then the legal 
form ; nor was it ever enrolled according to 
flatute : That the fale of part of the fame 
lands in 1628 to the MaiGTachufetts company, 
by an inftrument figned and executed ac- 
cording to law, renders this fubfequent grant 
fufpicious ; and that his pretending to pro- 
cure another grant of part of the fame lands 
in 1635, was an argument that he himfelf 
could not rely on the preceding one, nor was 
it credible that the fame council iliould grant 
the fame lands twice, and to the fame perfon : 
That the alledged grant in 1635 was equally 
defective ; and that he muft relinquiih one 
or che other, it being contrary to the reafon 
and ufage of law to rely on two feveral titles 
at once. It was urged, That Waldron's pof- 
feilion was grounded on a deed from the na- 
tive lords of the foil, with whom his father 
had endeavoured to cultivate a friendly con- 
nexion ; that he had taken up his land with 
their confent, when the country was a wil- 
dernefs ; had cultivated it, had defended it in 
war at a great expence, and at the hazard of 
^is life, which he finally loft in the attempt ; 
that the Indian deed was legally executed in 
the prefence of the facflors and agents of the 
company of Laconia, of which Mafon was 
one ; that this was done with the toleration of 
the council of Plymouth, and in purfuance 
of the great ends of their incorporation, which 
were to cultivate the lands, to people the coun- 
try and chriftianize the natives, for the honour 
and intereft of the crown and the trade of Eng^ 
land, ail which ends had been purfued and at- 
tained by the appellee and his anceftor. It; was 



260 HISTORY Ot 

1707. alfo alledged, that the writ againft Major 
Waldron in 1683 was for "lands and tene- 
ments," of which the quantity, fituation and 
bounds were not defcribed, for want of which 
no legal judgment could be given ; that no 
execution had ever been levied, nor was the 
polTefFor ever diilurbed or amoved by reafon 
thereof ; and that the copies produced were 
not attefled, no book of records being to be 
found. To invalidate the evidence of Ma- 
fon's poireiTion, it was obferved, that he hini- 
felf was never here in perfon ; that all the fet- 
tlement made by his agents or fucceflbrs was 
only a factory for trade with the Indians, and 
principally for the difcovery of a country 
called Lacoiila ; and that this was done in 
company with feveral other merchant-adven- 
turers in London, who, for the fecurity of 
their goods ere(5led a fort ; but that this could 
not: amount to a legal poflellion, nor prove 
a tide to the country, efpecially as upoa the 
failure of trade, the object of their enterprize, 
they quitted their f.i6lory, after a few- years 
flay in thefe part .. 

As to the motion for a fpecial verdi6l, it was 
faid that a jury could not find one, if they had 
no doubt of rhe law or fa61:, for the roafon of 
a fpecial verdict is a doubt either in point of 
1 rv or evidence ; nor was it coniilient with 
the privileges of Engliihmen that a jury 
Ihould be compelled to find fpecialiy. In ad- 
dition to thefe pleas it was further iillodged, 
that by the llatute law no adtion of ejc^lment 
can be maintained except the plaintiiF, or 
thofj under whom he claims, have been in 
poirefTion within twenty years ; and if they 
have been out of pofleihon iixty years, then 



NEW-HAMPSHIRli. 261 

not only an ejedment, but a writ of right, 1707. 
and all other real ad:ions are barred in refpe(5t 
of a fubjedl, and that in fuch cafes the right 
of the crown is alfo barred : and that by the 
ftatute of 32 Hen. 8. ch. 9. It is enaded, that 
no perfon {hall purchafe any lands or tene- 
ments, unlefs the feller, or they by whom he 
claims, have been in polfeflion of the fame 
or the reverfion or the remainder thereof, or 
have taken the rents or profits thereof by the 
fpace of one whole year next before fuch bar- 
gain is made ; and that the appellee and his 
anceftor, and no other perfon whatever had 
been in poifefTion of the premifes, nor was it 
ever pretended by the appellant that the Ma- 
fons, of whom the purchafe was made, were 
in poffeflion w^ithin one year, or at any time 
before the alledged purchafe ; that all the 
mifchiefs provided againil by the above ftat- 
ute have been experienced by the people of 
New-Hampfhire from the purchafe made by 
the appellant's father, of the bare title of the 
propriety of the province. The council on 
this fide were John Pickering and Charles 
Story. 

A certificate from the lieutenant-governor 
refpe6ting the queen's directions was deliver- 
ed to the jury who returned the following ^"^' *^' 
verdicfl: : " In the caufe depending between 
*' Thomas Allen, Efq. appellant and Richard 
" Waldron, Efq. defendant, the jury findes 
" for the defendant a confirmation of the for- 
" mer judgment and cofts of courts. Mark 
** flunking, foreman." 

I'he court then fentout the jury again, with 
this charge, " Gentlemen, you are further to 
*' confider thi? cafe and obferve her majefty's 



262 HISTORY OF 

1707. " diredlions to find fpecially and your oaths.*' 
They returned the fecond time with the fame 
verdi6l ; upon which the court ordered judg- 
ment to be entered, and that the defendant 
recover cofts of the appellant. The council 
for the appellant then moved for an appeal 
to her majefty in council ; which was allow- 
ed on their giving bond in two hundred 
pounds to profecute it. 

But the loyalty of the people, and the dif- 
Coundiand ti'elTes uuder which they laboured by reafon 
R«S^8.^ ' of the war, prevailed on the queen's miniftry 
to fufpend a final decifion ; and before the 
Printed appeal could be heard, Allen's death, which 
^*^*^°[i^^^" happened in 1715, put an end to the fuit, 
p. »o. which his heirs, being minors, did not re- 
new. 



'^EW-HAMPSHIRE. ^63 



CHAP. XII. 

i he Tjar '.iHth the French and Indians, called Queen June's 
r.va?-. — Caiclusian c/' Dudley's and Usher's admi?iisi ration. 

The peace which followed the trea- 
ty of Ryfwick was butof fhort duration, for 
the feeds of war were ready fown both in 
Europe and America. Louis had proclaim* 
ed the pretender king of England, and his 
Governor Villebon had orders to extend his 
province of Acadia to the river Kennebeck, 
though the Englifli court underflood St. 
Croix to be the boundary between their ter- 
ritories and thofe of the French. The fifliery 
was interrupted by French men of war, and 
by the orders of Villebon, who fuffered no 
Englilh veffels to filh on the banks of Nova- 
Scotia. A French miiTion was eftablifhed, 
and a chapel erecfled at Norridgewog, on the 
upper part of Kennebeck, which ferved to 
extend the influence of the French among 
the Indians. The governor of Canada, af- 
faming the character of their father and pra- 
te(5lor, infligated them to prevent the fettle- 
ment of the Englilh to the eall of Kennebeck, 
and found foine among them ready to liften 
to his advice. The people in thofe parts were 
apprehenfive of danger and meditating a 
removal, and thofe who had entertained 
thoughts of fettling there were reftrained. 

Things were in this pofture when Dudley 
entered on his government. He had particu- 
lar orders from England to rebuild the fort 
at Pemaquid ; but could not prevail on the 
Malfachufetts aiTemblyto bear the expence 



264 HISTORY OF 

of it. However he determined on a vifit to 
the eaftern country, and having notified his 
intention to the Indians, took with him a 
number of gentlemen of both provinces*, 
170 J. g^Q^ held a conference at Cafco with delegates 
from the tribes of Norridgewog, Penobfcot, 
Pigwacket, Penacook and Amarifcoggin ; who 
afTured him that •"* as high as the fun was 
"above the earth, fo far diflant was their de- 
'''fign of making the lead breach of the 
"peace." They prefented him a belt of wam- 
pum in token of their lincerity, and both par- 
ties went to two heaps of ftones which had 
formerly been pitched and called the Two 
Brothers^ where the friendfliip was further 
ratified by the addition of other ftones. They 
alfo declared, that although the French emif- 
faries amori^- them had been endeavouring to 
break the union, yet it was " firm as a moun- 
" tain, and ihould continue as long as the 
" fun and moon." Notwithftanding tliefe fair 
appearances, it was obferved that when the 
Indians fired a falute their guns were charg- 
' ed with fhot ; and it was fufpected that they 
had then formed a defign to fcize the gover- 
nor and his attendants, if a party which they 
expelled from Canada, and which arrived two 
or three days after, had come in proper feafon 
to their afliftance. Plowever this might be, 
it is certain that in the fpace of fix weeks, a 
August 10. body of French and Indians, five hundred in 
number, having divided themfelves into fev- 
eral parties, attacked all the fettlements from 
Cafco to Wells, and killed and took one hun- 

* Mr. Hutchinson has misplaced this transaction by a vi.t- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 26^ 

dred and thirty people, burning and deftroy- 1703. 
ing all before them*. 

The next week (Auguft 17) a party of 
thirty Indians tinder Captain Tom killed five 
people at Hampton village ; among whom 
was a widow MufTy, a noted fpeaker among 
the friends, smd much lamented by them j 
they alfo plundered two houfes ; but the 
people being alarmed, and purfuing them^ 
they fled. 

The country was now in terror and confu- 
fion. The women and children retired to the 
garrifons. The men went armed to their work 
and polled centinels in the fields. Troops of 
horfe were quartered at Portfmouth and in 
the province of Maine. A feout of three hun- 
dred and fixty men marched toward Pig- 
wacket, and another to the Oflapy Pond, but 
made no difcoveries. Alarms were frequent, 
and the whole frontier country from Deeir- 
field on the well, to Cafco on the eafl was 
kept in continual terror by fmall parties of 
the enemy. 

In the fall Col. March of Cafco made a 
vifit to Pigwacket, where he killed fix of the 
enemy and took fix more ; this encouraged 
the government to offer a bounty of forty 
pounds for fcalps. 

As the winter came on, the frontier towns 
were ordered to provide a large number of 
Ihow-fhoes ; and an expedition was planned 
in New-Hampfhire, againft the head-quar- 
ters of the Indians. Major Winthrop Hil-- 

* Mr. Hatdiinson takes no notice of this rennarkable devasUti.©n, whiah 
IS particulatly related by Mr. Penhallow in his " war« ttf New-Ettg"" 

!and." p, ?". 

K B 



266 HISTORY or 

1703- tan, and Captain John Gilman of Exeter, 
Captain Chefley and Captain Davis of Oyfter 
river, marched with their companies on fnow 
Ihoes into the woods ; but returned without 
fuccefs. This is called in the council books 
" an honourable fervice :" Hilton received a 
gratuity of twelve, and each of the captains 
five pounds. 

1^04 With the return of fpring there was a re- 
turn of hoflilities ; for notwithiianding the 
polling a few foutliern Indians in the garri- 
fons at Berwick, the enemy appeared at Oyf- 
ter river, and Ihot Nathaniel Medar near his 

April 25. own field, and the next day killed Edward 
Taylor near Lamprey river, and captivated 
his wife and fon. Thefe inilances of mif- 
chief gave colour to a falfe alarm at»Coche^ 
cho, where it was faid they lay in v/ait for- 
Col. Waldron a whole day, but miffrng him " 
by reafon of his abfence from honje, took 
his fervant maid as fhe went to a fpring for 
water ; and having examined her as to the 
ftate of the garrifon, ilunned her with an 
hatchet but did not fcalp her. 

In May, Col. Church, by Governor Dud- 
ley's order, having planned an expedition to 
the eaftern fhore, failed from Boilon with a i 
number of tranfports, furnilhed with whale- ' 
boats for going up rivers. In his way he ftopt 
at Pafcataqua, where he was joined by a body 
. of men under Maj. Hilton, who was of eminent 
fervice to him in this expedition*, which lafl- 
ed the whole fummer, and in which the\ 
deftroyed the towns of Minasand Chiegnecflo, 

* This is called in the council books "an expedition toPort-Roynl,"' and 
this was the ostensible object. But Church in his memoirs says that Dud- 
ley would not permit him to go there. 

Church, p. 104. Hutch. II. 146 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 267 

and did confiderable damage to the French 1704. 
and Indians at Penobfcot and PafTamaquod- 
dy, and even infulted Port Royal. While 
they were at Mount Defart, Church learned 
from nine of his prifoners that a body of * 
fix hundred Indians were preparing for an 
attack on Cafco, and the head of Pafcataqua 
riter ; and fent an exprefs to Portfmouth 
which obliged the people to be vigilant. No 
fuch great force as this appeared ; but fmall 
parties kept hovering on the outfkirts. At 
Oyfler river they wounded William Talker ; 
and at Dover they laid in ambufh for the 
people on their return from public worfhip, 
but happily miffed their aim. They after- 
ward mortally wounded Mark Gyles at that 
place, and foon after killed feveral people in "^^* 
a field at Oyfler river, whofe names are not 
mentioned. 

In the former wars New-Hampfhire had 
received much afTiflance from their brethren ' 
of MafTachufetts ; but thefe now remonflrat- 
ed to the governor that his other province 
did not bear their proportion of the charge 
for the common defence. The reprefenta- 
tives of New-Hamplhire urged, in reply, the 
different circumflances of the two provinces ; 
" moft of the towns in MafTachufetts being 
out of the reach of the enemy, and no oth- 
er wife affedled by the war than in the pay- 
ment of their part of the expence, while this 
province was wholly a frontier by fea and 
land, and in equal danger with the county 
of York, in which four companies were fla- 

* [ suppose this is the party whom Pcnhallow mentions, p. 23, who 
quairelled on rleir inarch about dividiiiir the phinder which they might take, 
a'ld of whom two hundred returned wliile the rest pursued their march, an,'' 
did damage at Lancaster and Groton. 



Council 



268 HISTORY OF 

1704. tioned, and the inhabitants were abated their 
proportion of the public charges." They beg- 
ged that twenty of the friendly Indians might 

Rec"''" be fent to fcout on their borders, which re- 
quefl the governor complied with. 

1705. In the winter, Col. Hilton with two hun- 
dred and feventy men, including the twen- 
ty Indians, were fent to Norridgwog on fnow 
Ihoes. They had a favourable feafon for their 
inarch, the fnow being four feet deep. 
When they arrived there, finding no enemy 
to contend with, they burnt the deferted 
wigwams, and the chapel. The officers who 
went on this expedition complained that they 
had only the pay of private foldiers. 

The late repairs of fort William and Mary 
at New-Caftle were always complained of as 
burdenfome to the people, and a reprefenta- 
tion thereof had been made to the queen, 
who inflrudled Dudley to prefs the affembly 
of MafTachufetts to contribute to the ex- 
pence J as the river belonged equally to both 
provinces. They urged in excufe that the 
fort was built at firft at the fole charge of 
New-Hampfliire to whom it properly be- 
longed ; that the whole expence of the re- 
pairs did not amount to what leveral of their 
tov/ns fingly paid toward the fapport of the 
war for one year ; that all the tradp and nav- 
igation of the river, on both fides, paid a du- 
ty toward maintaining that fortrcfs ; and that 
they had been at great expence in protccfting 
the frontiers of New-Hampfhire, and the par- 
ties-who were employed in getting timber 
and mails for her majefty's fervice ; whjle 
New-Hampfliire had never contributed any 
shing to tlie fupport of the garrifons, forces 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. "269 

:arid guards by fea, which were of equal ben- 1705. 
,efit to them as to MalTachufetts. One thing 
which made New-HampjQiiiemore in favour 
with the queen was, that they had fettled a 
falary on her governor, which the others nev- 
er could be perfuaded to do. The repairs of 
the fort, however, went on without their af- 
liftance, under the direction of Col. Romer ; 
and when they were completed, a petition 
was fent home for a fupply of cannon, am- 
munition and ftores. 

The next fammer was chiefly fpent in. ne- 
gotiating an exchange of prifoners ; and Dud- 
ley had the addrefs to protradl the negotia- 
tion, under pretence of confulting with the 
other governments about a neutrality pro- 
pofed by the governor of Canada, by which 
means the frontiers in general were kept tol- 
erably quiet, although the enemy appeared 
once or twice in the town of Kittery. The 
line of pickets* which inclofed the town of 
Portfmouth was repaired, and a nightly pa- 
trole eflabliihed on the fea fhore from Ren- 
dezvous Point to the bounds of Hampton, to 
prevent any furprize by fea ; the coaft being 
at this time infefled by the enemy *s privateers. 

During this truce, the inhabitants of Kingf- 
ton who had left the place, were encouraged 
to petition for leave to return to their lands ; 
which the court granted on condition that 
they fhould build a fort in the center of the 
town, lay out a parfonage and fettle a minify 
ter within three years. This laft condition was 
rendered impracticable by the renewal of 
hoftilities. 

* This line extended from the mill-pond on the south, to the creek on the 
north side cf tlie town. It crossed the main street a few tods we3tward of 
uivs spat where the State House now stands. 



.270 HISTORY OF 

1705. The governor of Canada had encoiiraged 
New-England to remove to Canada, wiiere 
being incorporated with the tribe of St. Fran- 
cis, they have ever lince remained. By this 
policy they became more firmly attached to 
the intereft ' of the French, and were more 
eafily difpatched on their bloody bufinefs to 
the frontiers of New-England, with which 
they were well acquainted, Dudley, who 
was generally apprized of their movements, 
and kept a vigilant eye upon them, appre- 
hended a rupture in the winter ; and gave or- 
ders for a circular fcouting march, once a 
month, round the head of the towns from 

I (06= Kingfton to Salmon falls ; but the enemy did 
not appear till April ; when a fmall party of 
them attacked the houfe of John Drew at Oy- 
fler river, where they killed eight and woun- 
ded two. The garrifon was near, but not a 
man in it : the women, however, feeing 
nothing but death before them,fired an alarm, 
and then putting on hats, and loofening their 
hair that they might appear like men, they 
fired fo brilkly that the enemy, apprehend- 
ing the people v/ere alarmed, fltcl without 
burning or even plundering the hoiife which 
they had attacked. John Wheeler, meeting 
this party and miilaking them for friendly 
Indians, unhappily fell into their hands and 
was killed with his wife and two children. 
Four of his fons took refuge in a cave by the 
bank of the Little Bay, and though purfued 
by the Indians efcaped unhurt. 

In July, Colonel Schuyler from Albany 
gave notice to Dudley that two hundred and 
feventy of the enemy w^re on their march 
tov^^ard Pafcataqua, of which he immediately 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 271 

the Indians who inhabited the borders of 1706. 
informed the people, and ordered them to 
clofe garrifon, and one half of the militia to 
be ready at a minute's warning. The firft 
appearance of this body of the enemy was at 
Dunftable ; from whence they proceeded to 
Amefbury and Kingflon, where they killed 
fome cattle. Hilton with fixty four men 
inarched from Exeter ; but was obliged to 
return without meeting the enemy. The rea- 
fon he gave to the council for returning fo 
foon was the want of provilion, there being 
none in readineis at the garrifons, notwith- 
ftanding a law lately enadled, e'ljoining it 
on every town to have ilores ready and de- 
polited in the hands of their captains. For 
the fame reafon he had been obliged to dif- 
continue a fmall fcout which he had for 
fome time kept up. Hilton was fo brave and 
active an ofacer that the enemy had marked 
him for de.uru6lion ; and for this purpofe a 
party of them kept lurking about his houfe, 
where they obferved ten men to go out one- 
morning with their fcythes, and lay afide 
their arms to mow ; they then crept between 
the men and their guns, and fuddenly rufh- 
ing on them, killed four, wounded one, and 
took three ; two only of the whole number 
efcaped. They miffed the major for this 
time, and two of their prifoners efcaped ; but 
fufFered much in their return, having noth- 
ing to fubiift on for three weeks but lily 
rootc^ and the rinds oftrecs. After this they A"g«s«»0' 
killed William Pearl and took Nathaniel Tib- 
bets at Dover. It was obferved during 
this war that the enemy did more damage in 
fmall bodies than in larger, and by fcattering 



tl'2 



HISTORY O? 



1706. along the frontiers kept the people in corP 
tinual apprehenfion and alarm ; and fo very 
few of them fell into our hands, that in com- 

Penhaiiow, Fating the expence of the war it was judged 
p-40- that every Indian killed or taken coft the 

1707. couiitry a thoufand pounds. 

In the following winter Hilton made anoth- 
er excurlion to the eaftward, and a fhallop 
was fent to Cafco with ftores and provifions 
for his party, confifting of two hundred and 
twenty men. The winter being mild, and 
the weather unfettled, prevented their march- 
ing fo far as they intended : cold dry weath- 
er and deep fnow being moft favourable to 
winter expeditions. However they came on an 
Indian traeknear Black Point, and purfuing it, 
killed four, and took a fquaw who condu6led 
j|n. 21 them to a party of eighteen, whom they fur- 
prized as they lay afleep on a neck of land 
at break of day, and of whom they kill- 
ed feventeen, and took the other. This 
was matter of triumph confidering the diffi- 
culty of finding their haunts. It was re- 
marked that on the very morning that this 
affair happened, it was reported, with but 
little variation from the truth, at Portfmouth, 
though at th^ diftance of fixty miles. 

When Church went to Nova-Scotia, he 
very earneflly folicited leave to make an at- 
tempt on Port Royal ; but Dudley would not 
confent, and the reafon he gave was, that he 
had written to the miniftry in England and 
expedled orders and naval help to reduce the 
place. His enemies however afligned anoth- 
er reafon for his refufil ; wdiich was that a 
clandeftine trade was carried on by his con- 
nivance, and to his emolument, with thf^ 



NEW-kA MPS Hire; 273 

"French there. This report gained credit and 1707- 
occalioned a loud call for juftice. Thofe who 
were diredlly concerned in the illegal traffick, 
were profecuted and fined ; and the governor ^^^f^' 
luffered much in his reputation. To wipe ofF Massa. 
thefe afperfions he now determined to make pgeis*^ 
an attack in earneft: on Port Royal, even 
though no ailiilance ihould come from Eng- 
land. It was intended that an armament 
fhould be fent to America, and the command- 
er was appointed ; but the ftate of affairs in 
Europe prevented their coming. 

Early in the fpring the governor applied 
to the afTeml >lies of both his provinces, and 
to the colonies of Rhode Ifland and Connec- 
ticut, requeuing them to raife one thoufand 
men for the expedition. Connedlicut de- 
clined ; but the other three raifed the whole 
number, who were difpofed into two regi- 
ments, of which Colonel Wainwright com- 
manded the one, and Colonel Hilton the 
other. They embarked at Nantafket in 
twenty three tranfports furnifhed with *^ 
whaleboats, under convoy of the Deptford 
man of war, Capt. Stuckley, and the pro- 
vince galley. Captain Southack. The chief 
command was given to Colonel March, who 
had behaved well in feveral fcouts and ren- 
counters with the Indians, but had never 
been tried in fuch fervice as this. They ar- MayfiCr* 
rived before Port Royal in a few days, and 
after burning fome houfes, killing fome cat- 
tle round the fort, and making fome ineffec- 
tual attempts to bombard it, a jealoufy and 
difagreement among the officers, and a mif- 
Apprehenfion of the ftate of the fort and gar- ''"J^^o^-- 

L L - 



ii74 HISTORY OF 

1707. rilbn, caufed the army to break up and reim^ 
aUry* bark in a diforderly manner. Some of the 
officers went to Boflon for Orders, fome of 
the tranfports put in at Cafco ; a floop with 
Captain Chefley's company of fixty men ar- 
June 13. rived at Portfmouth : Chefley fuffered his 
Council men to difperfe, but ordered them to return 
Records. ^^ ^^^q beat of the drum ; Being called to ac- 
count for this condudl he alledged that "gen- 
" eral orders were given at Port Royal for 
" every man to make the beil of his way 
" home." The governor, highly chagrined 
and very angry, fent orders from Boflon 
that if any more vefTels arrived the men 
fhould not be permitted to come on fhore 
" on pain of death." After a while he ord- 
ered Cheiley's company to be collected and 
reimbarkcd, offering a pardon to thofe who 
voluntarily returned, the rell: to be feverely 
punifhed. By the latter end of July they 
got on board, and with the reft of the army, 
returned to the place of adlion. At the land- 
ing, an ambufcade of Indians from among 
the fedge on the top of a fea-wall, greatly 
annoyed the troops. Major Walton and 
Captain Chefley, being then on fhore with 
the New-Hampfliire companies, pufhed their 
men up the beach, flanked the enemy, and 
after an obftinate ftruggle put them to flight. 
The command was now given to Wainwright, 
and the army put under the dircdlion of 
three fupervifors ; but no means could in- 
fpire that union, firmnefs and fkill which 
were necefTary. By the lafl of Augull the 
whole affair was at an end, and the army re- 
turned fickly, fatigued, diflieartened, and 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 275 

^fliamed ; but with no greater lofs than fix- 1707, 
teen killed and as many wounded. 

While this unfortunate expedition was in 
hand, the frontiers were kept in continual 
alarm. Two men were taken from Oyfter May 22" 
river, and two more killed as they were driv- jaiy s. 
ing a team between that place and Dover. 
Captain Sumerfby purfued with his troop 
and recovered the contents of the cart. Ste- 
phen and Jacob Oilman, brothers, were am- p^^. .j^^^ 
bulhed between Exeter and Kingfton ; their page 45. 
horfes were killed, but both of them efcaped 
to the garrifon. Kingfton, being a new 
plantation, was much expofed, and was this 
fummer weakened by the defertion of eight 
men. The remaining inhabitants complain- 
ed to government, who ordered the captains 
of Exeter and Hampton to take them up as 
deferters, and oblige them to return to the 
defence of their fettlements, or do duty at 
the fort during the governor's pleafure. 
They were afterward bound over to the fef- ^^"^ 
iions for contempt of orders. The ftate of 
the country at this time was truly diftrefTed ; 
a large quota of their beft men were abroad, ■ 
the reft harraffed by the enemy at home, 
obliged to continual duty in garrifons and in 
fcouts, and fubjedl to fevere difcipline for ne- 
gle<5ls. They earned their bread at the con- 
tinual hazard of their lives, never daring to 
ftir abroad unarmed ; they could till no 
lands but what were within call of the gar- 
rifoned houfes, into which their families 
were crowded ; their hufbandry, lumber- 
trade and fiftiery were declining, their taxes 
increafing, their apprehenfions both from the 
force of the enemv and the failure of the 



§76 HISTORY Ot 

1707. Port Royal expedition were exceedingly dif- 
mal, and there wa§ no profpe<5l of an end to 
the war, in which they were now advanced 
to the fifth fummer. Yet under all thefc dif- 
trefTes and difcouragements, they refolutely 
kept their ground and maintained their gar- 
rifons, not one of which was cut off during 
the whole of this war, within the limits of 
New-Hampfhire. 

^pt. 15. jj^ September one man was killed at Exe^ 
-—-17. ter, and two days after Henry Elkins at 
Kingfton. But the fevered blow on th^ 
frontiers happened at Oyfter river, a place 
which fuffered more than all the reft. A 
party of French Mohawks painted red, at- 
tacked with an hideous yell a company who 
were in the woods, fome hewing timber and 
others driving a team, under the direction of 
Captain Chefley who was juft returned the 
fecond time from Port Royal. At the firft 
fire they killed feven and mortally wounded 
another. Chefley, with the few who were 
left, fired on the enemy with great vigour, 
and for fome time checked their ardor ; but; 
being overpowered, he at length fell. He 
was much lamented, being a brave officer. 
Three of the fcalps taken at this time were 
loon after recovered at Berwick. 

1708. The next year a large army from Canada 
was clisftined againft the frontiers of New- 
England. Dudley received information of 
it in the ufual route from Albany, and im- 
mediately ordered guards in the moft ex- 
pofed places of both his provinces. A troop 
under Captain Robert Coffin patrol ed from 
Kingfton to CochecliOj and fcouts were kept 
out coi:i,tiaually. Spv-boa^s were alfo kept 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 277 

out at fea between Pafcataqiu and Winter 1708. 
harbours. Four hundred MafTachufetts fol- 
diers were polled in this province. The 
towns were ordered to provide ammunition, 
and all things were in as good a ftate of pre- 
paration as could be expedled. At length 
the florm fell on Haverhill ; but the ene- "^ *' 
my's force having been diminifhed by va- 
rious accidents, they proceeded no farther, 
and every part of New-Hampihire was quiet. 
Hilton made another winter march to Pig- ^"JJ*"^ 
wacket with one hundred and feventy men, 
but made no difcovery. 

The next fpring William Moody, Samuel 1709^ 
Stevens, and two fons of Jeremy Oilman were May 5. 
taken at Pickpocket-mill in Exeter, and fooa 
after Bartholomew Stevenfon was killed at Jvmtot 
Oyfler river. Colonel Hilton and Captain 
Davis performed their ufual tour of duty in 
fcouting, and the people this fummer kept 
clofe in garrifon, on a report that two hun- 
dred Indians had marched againft them from 
Montreal. But the principal objedl now in 
view was a defire of wiping off the difgrace 
of a former year by an attempt, not on Port 
Royal, but on Canada itfelf. For this pur- 
pole folicitations had been made in England 
by Francis Nicholfon, Efq. who had been 
lieutenant-governor of Virginia, and Captain 
Samuel Vetch a trader to Nova-Scotia, who 
was well acquainted with the French fettle- 
ments there, and made a full reprefentation 
of the ftate of things in America to the Brit- 
ifh miniftry. An expedition being deter- 
mined upon they came over early in the 
fpring with the queen's command to the gov- 
ernors of the feveral provinces tp raife men 



278 HISTORY OF 

1709. for the fervice. Vetch was appointed a colo- 
nel, and Nicholfon, by nomination of the 
governor of New- York, and confent of the 
other governments, was made commander in 
chief. The people of New-Hampfhire were 
fo much exhaufted, and their men had been 
fo ill paid before, that it was with great diffi- 
culty, and not without the diffolution of one 
aflembly and the calling of another, that 
they could raife money to levy one hundred 
men and procure two tranfports for convey- 
ing them. After the utmoft exertions had 
been made by the feveral governments, and 
Nicholfon with part of the troops had march- 
ed to Wood creek, and the reft with the 
tranfports had lain at Nantafket three months 
waiting for a fleet, news arrived that the ar- 
mament promifed from England was divert- 
ed to another quarter. Upon which the 
commander of the frigates on the Boflon 
ftation refufed to convoy the troops, the 
whole army was disbanded, and the expence 
the colonies had been at was fruitlefs. A 
congrefs of governors and delegates from the 
aflemblies met in the fall at Rhode-Iiland, 
who recommended the fending home agents 
to affift Colonel Nicholfon in reprefenting the 
ftate of the country, and foliciting an expe- 
dition againft Canada the next fpring. The 
miniftry at firft feemed to lift en to this pro - 

X710. pofal, but afterward changed their minds, 
and refolved only on the reduction of Port 
Royal. For this purpofe Nicholfon came 
over in July with five frigates and a bomb 
ketch ; the colonies then had to raife their 

A'j^st 1. quotas ; the New-Hampfliire aflembly ord- 
ered one hundred men,, who were got ready 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 279 

as foon as poflible, and put under the com- 171Qi 
maid of Colonel Shadrach Walton. The 
whole armament failed from Bofton the 
eighteenth of September, and on the twenty- 
fourth arrived at the place. The force now 
being equal to its redu(5lion, Subcreafe, the 
governor, waited only the compliment of a 
few iliot and fhells as a decent pretence for a 
furrender ; which was completed on the 
fifth of Ocflober, and Vetch was appointed Hutchin- 
governor of the place which in honor of the p^^j^^l^ 
queen was called Annapolis. 

While this expedition was in hand, and be- 
fore the appointment of the commanders, 
New-Hamplliire fuftained an heavy lofs in 
the death of Col. Winthrop Hilton. This 
worthy ofHcer being concerned in the maft- juiy 22. 
ing bufinefs, and having feveral large trees 
felled about fourteen miles from home, went 
out with a party to peel the bark that the 
wood might not be injured by worms. 
While engaged in this bufinefs they were am- 
buflied by a party of Indians, who at the 
firft fire killed Hilton with two more, and 
took two ; the reft being terrified, and their 
guns being wet, made no oppofition, but 
efcaped. The next day one hundred men 
marched in purfuit but difcovered only the 
mangled bodies of the dead. The enemy in 
their barbarous triumph had (truck their 
hatchets into the colonel's brains, and left a 
lance in his heart. He was a gentleman "of 
" good temper, courage and condu6l, refpedl- Penhaiiov* 
" ed and lamented by all that knew him," ^^*^ 
and was buried with the honours due to his 
rank and characfler. 

Fluflied with this fuccefs, they infolently 



2S0 HISTORY OF 

1710. appeared in the open road at Exeter, and 
took four children who were at their play. 
They alfo took John Wedgwood, and killed 
John Magoon near his brother's barn, a place 
which for three days he had vifited with a^ 
melancholy apprehenfion arifing from a dream 
that he fhould there be murdered. 

The fame day that Hilton was killed, a 
company of Indians who had pretended 
friendfhip, who the year before had been 
peaceably converfant with the inhabitants of 
Kingfton, and feemed to be thirfting after 
the blood of the enemy, came into the town, 
and ambuihing the road, killed Samuel Win- 
flow and Samuel Iluntoon ; they alfo took 
MS Letter phi^p Huutoou and Jacob Oilman, and car- 
dark «> ried them to Canada ; where, after fome time, 
'*""°*" they purchafed their own redemption by 
building a faw-mill for the governor after 
the Englifh mode. 

The laft that fell this fummer was Jacob 
Garland, who was killed at Cochecho on his 
return from the public worfhip. As the 
winter approached. Colonel Walton with one 
hundred and feventy men traverfed the eaft- 
ern fhores, which the Indians ufually vifited 
at this feafon for the purpofe of gathering 
clams. On an Ifland where the party was 
encamped, feveral Indians decoyed by their 
fmoke, and miftaking them for fome of their 
own tribe, came among them and were made 
prifoners. One of them was a fachem of 
Norridgwog, adlive, bold and fullen ; when 
he found himfelf in the hands of enemies he 
would anfwer none of their queilions, and 
laughed with fcorn at their threatening him 
with death. His wife, being an eye witneft 



N£W-HAMPSHIRB. SBl 

f){ the execution of the threatening, was fo 1710. 
intimidated as to make the difcoveries M^hich 
the captors had in vain defired of the fa- 
chem ; in confequence of which, three were 
taken at the place of which fhe informed, and 
two more at Saco river, where alfo five were 
killed/ This fuccefs, inconiiderable as it 
may appear, kept up the fpirits of the peo- 
ple, and added to the lofs of the enemy v/ho 
were daily diminiiliing by ficknefs and fa- 
mine. 

In the fpring they renewed their ravages \'^W^ 
on the frontiers in fmall parties. Thomas 
Downs, John Church, and three more were 
killed at Cochecho ; and on a fabbath day 
feveral of the people there fell into an ambufh 
as they were returning from public worfliip. 
John Horn was wounded, and Humphrey 
Fofs was taken ; but, by the determined 
bravery of Lieutenant Heard, he was recov- 
ered out of the hands of the enemy. Walton 
with two companies marched to the ponds 
about the fifhing feafon ; but the Indians 
had withdrawn, and nothing was to be feen Penhaiicw/ 
but their deferted wigwams. pagew. 

After the redu6lion of Port Royal Nichol- 
fon went to England to folicit an expedition 
againll Canada. The tory miniflry of Queen 
Anne, ta the furprize of all the whigs in 
England and America, fell in with the pro- 
pofal ; and on the eighth of June, Nicholfon 
came to Bofton with orders for the northern 
colonies to get ready their quotas of men and 
provifion by the arrival of the fleet and ar- 
my from Europe ; which happened within^ 
{ixteen days ; and while the feveral gover- 
Hors were holding a confultation on the fub-' 



282 HISTORY OF 

1711. jedl of their orders. A compliance with 
them in fo Ihort a time was impoflible ; yet 
every thing that could be done was doiiC ; 
the nature of the fervice confpiring with the 
wifhes of the people, made the governments 
exert themfelves to the utmoft. New Ham p- 
fhire raifed one hundred men, which was 
more than they could, well fpare ; one half 
of the militia being continually employed in 
guarding the frontiers. They alfo. voted 
them fubliftence for one hundred and twen- 
ty fix days, behdes providing for them on 
Ihore before their embarkation. Two tranf- 
ports were taken up at eight lliillings per month 
per ton ; and artillery ftores were ilTued from 
the fort. The colony forces formed two regi- 
ments under the command of Vetch and 
Walton. The army Vvdiich came from Eng- 
land were feven veteran regiments of the 
Duke of Marlborouo-h's armv, and a battal- 
ion of marines, under the command of Brig- 
adier-General Hill, which, joined with the 
New-England troops made a body of about 
lix thoufand five hundred m-en, provided 
with a fine train of artillerv. The fleet con- 
fifted of fifteen ihips of war from eighty to 
thirty-fix guns, with forty tranfports and fix 
^"gt^'r florelhips under the command of Admiral 
Hutch, vol. Walker. A force fully equal to the reduc- 

2. p. 190. . r r^ ^ 

tion or Ouebec. 

The fleet failed from Boflon on the thir- 
tieth of July ; and a fall was ordered by 
Coun. Rcc. Dudley to be kept on the lafl Thurfday of 
that, and each fucceeding month, till the en- 
terprize fliould be finilhed. Tliis was an 
imitation of the condu6l of the long parlia- 
ment during the civil wars in the Jail centu» 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 283 

ry. But the fanguine hopes of fuccefs which 1711. 
had been entertained by the nation and the 
colonies were all blafted in one fatal night. 
For, the fleet having advanced ten leagues 
into the river St. Lawrence, in the night of 
the twenty third of Augull, the weather be- 
ing thick and dark, eight tranfports were 
wrecked on Egg-Ifland near the north ihore, 
and one thoufand people perifhed ; among 
whom there was but one man who belonged 
to New-England. The next day the fleet 
put back, and were eight days beating down 
the river againfh an eafterly wind which 
would in two days have carried them to 
Quebec. After rendezvoufing at Spaniih 
river in the illand of Cape Breton, and hold- 
ing a fruitlefs confultation about annoying 
the French at Placentia, the expedition was 
broken up : the fleet returned to England, 
and the Nev/-England troops to their homes. 
Loud complaints and heavy charges were 
made on this occafion ; the ignorance of the 
pilots ; the obftinacy of the admiral ; the 
(detention of the fleet at Bofton ; its late ar- 
rival there ; the want of feafonable orders ; 
and the fecret intentions of the miniflry, ?"'"'""'*, 

J ^ defence ana 

were all fubjecls of bitter altercation : but letter to a 

y • r • 11 • noble lord. 

the miicarriage was never regularly enquir- 
ed into, and the voyage was finally fettled by October 9^ 
the blovvin'g up of the admiral's fliip, with 
mod of his papers, and four hundred fea- 
inen, at Spithead. 

The failure of this expedition encouraged -.^^o 
the Indians to harrafs the frontiers as foon 
as the feafon would permit. In April one 
Cunniugliam was killed at Exeter ; Enfign 
Tuttic at- Dover, an4, Jeremy Crqmmet at 



2$4 Hi STORY OF 

1712. Oyfler river ; on one of the upper branches 
of this dream the enemy burned a faw-mill 
with a large quantity of boards. A fcouting 
party who went Up the river Merrimack had 
the good fortune to furprize and kill eight 
Indians and recover a coniiderable quantity 
of plunder, without the lofs of a man. The 
frontiers were well guarded ; one half of the 
militia did duty at the garrifons and were 
ready to march at a minute's warning ; a 
fcout of forty men kept ranging on the heads 
of the towns, and the like care was taken by 
fea, fpy-boats being employed in coafting 
from Cape Neddock to the Great Boar's- 
head. Notwithftanding this vigilance, fmall 
parties of the enemy were frequently feen. 
Stephen Gilman and Ebenezer Stevens were 
wounded at Kingflon, the form.er was taken 

7i3r.e3 and put to death. In July an ambuih was 
difcovered at Dover, but the enemy eibaped ; 
and while a party was gone in purluit of 
them, two children of John Waidron Vv^ere 
taken, and for want of time to icalp them, 
their heads were cut off. There being no 
man at that time in Heard's garriibn, a wo- 
man named Ellher Jones mounted guard and 
with a commandine: voice called io loudly 
and refoluteiy as made the enemy thinly there 
w;is help at hand, and prevented farther m.ii- 
chief 

'In autumn the news of the peace of U- 
trccht arrived iu America • and on the 29th 
of Oclobor the iiifpenfion of arms was pro- 
claimed at Portliiiouth. 7'he Indians being 
iuforraed of this event c;ime in with a iiag 
,of truce to Captain Moody at Caico, and de- 
sired a treat V ; which the go vc] nor, with thq 



KEW-HAMPSHIllE. 285 

4:ouncil of each province, held at Portfmouth, 1713. 
where the chiefs and deputies of the feveral ^"'^ **- 
belligerent tribes, by a formal writing under 
hand and feal, acknowledged their perfidy, 
pFomifed fidelity, renewed their allegiance, 
fubmitted to the laws, and begged the queen's Pcnhaiiow 
pardon for their former mifcarriages. The p^s^'*-^*^ 
frequent repetition of fuch engagements and 
as frequent violations of them, had by this 
time much abated the fenfe of obligation on 
the one part, and of confidence on the other. 
But it being for the intereft of both parties 
to be at peace, the event was peculiarly wel- 
come. 

To preferve the dependence of the Indi- 
ans, and to prevent all occafions of com- 
plaint, private traffic with them was forbid- 
den and truck houfec edablilhed at the pub- 
lic expence ; and the next fummer a ihip 
was fitted out by both provinces, and fent to 1714^. 
Quebec, where an exchange of prifoners was 
eiFecfied. 

During the whole of this long war, Ufher 
behaved as a faithful fervant of the crown ; 
frequently coming into the province by 
Dudley's diredlion, and fometimes refiding 
in it feveral months, enquiring into the ftate 
of the frontiers and garrifons, vifiting them 
in perfon, conflilting with the officers of mi- 
litia about the proper methods of defence 
and protedlion, and offering his fervice on all 
occafions : Yet his auftere and ungracious 
manners, and the intereft he had in Allen's 
claim, efibclually prevented him from ac-> 
quiring that popularity which he feems to 
have deferved. He was folicitous to fup- 
porr tite dignity of ]\ls commiffion ; but 



ife^ HISTORY OF 

1714. could never prevail with the afTembly to fet-* 
tie a falary upon him. The council gener- 
ally paid his travelling expences by a draught 
on the treafury^ which never amounted to 
more than five pounds for each journey, un- 
til he came from Boflon to proclaim the ac- 
cefiion of King George ; when in a fit of 
loyalty and good humour they gave him ten 
pounds, which ferved as a precedent for two 
or three other grants. He often complained, 
and fometimes in harlli and reproachful 
terms of their negledl ; and once told them 

Coun. Rcc. that his " Negro fervants were much better 
" accommodated in his houfe tha.i the 
" queen's governor was in the queen's foi t." 
Dudley had the good fortune to be n.ore 
popular. Befide his attention to the general 
intereil of the province and his care for its 
defence, he had the particular merit of fa- 
vouring the views of thofe who weie moft 
ftrongly oppofed to Allen's claim ; and t;bey 
made him amends by promoting in the af- 
fembly addreffes to the queen, defending his 
chara(5ler, when it was attacked and praying 
for his continuance in office when petitions 
were prefented for his removal. One of 
thefe addreffes was in one thoufand feven 
hundred and fix, and another in one thoufand 
feven hundred and feven, in both which 
they reprefent him as a " prudent, careful 
and faithful governor," and fay they " are 
" perfedlly latisfied with his difpofal of th^ 
" people, and their arms and the public 
•^ money." Addreffes to the crown were very 
frequent during this female reign. Scarce a 
year palled without one or two ; they 
cflther congratulated her uiaiefiy on her vie- 



NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 287 

tories in Europe, or petitioned for arms and 1714* 
military llores tor their defence, or for fhips 
and troops to go againll Canada, or repre- 
ieiA::d their own poverty or Dudley's merits, 
o.' chanked her majefly for her care and pro- 
tection, and for interpoiing in the affair of 
Allen's iliit and not fuffering it to be decided 
againif them. A good harmony fubfifled 
between the governor and people, and between 
the two branches of the Legiilature, during 
the whole of this adminiflration. 

OnThe acceffion of King George a change 17154. 
was expelled in the government, and the af- 
fembly did what they could to prevent it by 
petitioning the king for Dudley's continu- 
ance. But it being now a time of peace, and 
a number of valuable officers who had ferv- 
ed with reputation in the late wars being 
out of employ ; intereft was made for their 
obtaining places of profit under the crown. 
Colonel Elifeus Burges who had ferved under 
General Stanhope was, by his recommenda- 
tion, commiffioned governor of Maffachufetts 
and New-Hamplhire ; and by the fame inte- 
reft George Vaughan Elq. then in London, 
was made lieutenant governor of the latter 
province ; he arrived and publifhed his com- 
miffion on the thirteenth of Ocflober. Uflier 
had fome fcruples about the validity of it as 
he had formerly had of Partridge's, and 
wrote on the fubjedl to the alTembly, who 
aifurcd him that on infpedlion they had 
found Vaughan's commnflion " flrong and 
authentic j" and that his own, was " null and 
** void." Upon his difmillion from office he ^ ^ 
retired to his elegant feat at Medford, where andAssan, 
he {pent the reft of his days, and died pn the ^'y^^'"- 



2S$ HISTORY OF 

1715. fifth of September 1726, in the feventy-eighth 
years of his age. 

Burges wrote a letter to the afTembly in 
July, in which he informed them of his ap- 
pointment, and of his intention to fail for 
America in the following month. But Sir 
William Afhhurfl, with Jeremy Dummer the 
MafFachufetts agent, and Jonathan Belcher, 
then in London, apprehending that he would 
not be an acceptable perfon to the people of 
New-England, prevailed with him for the 
confideration of one thoufand pounds fter- 
ling, which Dummer and Belcher generoully 
advanced, to refign his commifTion ; and 

^""^*^ Colonel Samuel Shute was appointed in his 

^15' ftead to the command of both provinces. 
He arrived in New-Hampfhire and his com- 
miffion was publiihed the feventeenth of Oc- 
tober 1716. Dudley being thus fuperleded, 

■f. retired to his family-feat at Roxbury, where 

he died in 1720, in the feventy-third year of 
his age-. 



APPENDIX. 



No. I. 

€b//i/ ^ a deed from four Indian sagamores to John Wheleiuright and 

others. i629. 



Wi 



HEREA8 We the sagamores of Penacook, Pentuckett 
Squomsquot and Nuchawanack are inclined to have the English inhabit 
amongst us as ihey are amongst our countrymen in the Massachubetts 
Bay ; by which means we hope in lime to be strengthened against our 
enemy the Tarcteens who yearly doth us damage. Likewise being per- 
suaded that it will be for the good of us and our posterity, &c. To that 
end have at a general meeting at Squomsquot on Piscattaqua river, We the 
aforesaid sagamores with a universal consent of our subjects, do covenant 
and agree with the English as followeth : 

NOW know all men by these presents that wePassaconawaye saganriore of 
Penecook, Runnaawitt sagamore of Pentuckit, Wahungnonawitt sagamore 
of Squomsquot, and Rowls sagamore of Nuchawanack, lor a competent 
valuation in goods already received in coats, shirts and kettles, and also 
for the considerations aforesaid do according to the limits and bounds here- 
after granted, give, grant, bargain, sell, release, ratify and confirm unto 
John Wheelwright of the Massachusetts Bay, late of England, a minister of 
the gospel, Augustine Story, Thomas Wite, William Wentworth* and 
Thomas Lcvet, all of the Massachusetts Bay in New-England, to them, 
their heirs and assigns for ever, all that part of the main land bounded by 
the river oi'Piscattaquaand the liver of Meremak, that is to say, to begin at 
Nuchawanack falls in Piscaitaqua river aforesaid, and so down said river to 
the sea, anil so aiongst the sea shore to Merramack river, and so up along 
said river to the falls at Pantuckit aforesaid, and from said Pantucket falls 
upon a north-Avest line twenty English miles into the woods and from 
thence to run upon a streight line north-east and south-west till meet with 
the main rivers that runs down to Pantuckett falls and Nuchawanack falls, 
and the said rivers to be the bounds of the said lands from the thwart line 

* William Wentworth was one of the ffrst settlers at Exeter, and after the breaking 
up of their combination for g-overnnient he removed to Dover and became a ruling elder in 
the church there. In 1689 he was remarkably instrumental of saving Heard's garrison, 
a« is related in the proper place. After this he officiated for several years as a preacher 
at Exeter and other places, and died in a very advanced age at Dover in 1697, leaving 9 
numerous posterity. From liim the several Governors of that name are descended, Ifc 
^.as a very tjvseful and good man. 

N N 



290 APPfiNDlX. 

or head line to the aforesaid falls and the main chanell of each river horti 
Pentuckitt and Nuchawanack falls to the maine sea to be the side bounds 
and the main sea between Piscattaqua river and Meramack river to be the 
lower bounds, and the thwart or head line that runs from river to river to 
be the upper bounds ; together with all islands within said bounds, as also 
the Isles of Shoals so called by the English, together witli all profits, ad- 
vantages and appurtenances whatsoever to the said tract of land belonging 
or in any wise appertaining, reserving to our selves liberty of making use 
of our old planting land, as also free liberty of hunting, fishing and fowling ; 
and it is likewise with these provisoes following, viz. First, the said John 
Wheelwright shall within ten years after the date hereof, set down with a 
company of English and begin a plantation at S<quomsquott falls in Pis- 
cattaque river aforesaid. Secondly, That what other inhabitants shall 
come and live on said tract of land amongst them from time to time and 
at all times shall have and enjoy the same benefits as the said Wheelwight 
aforesaid. Thirdly, That if at any time there be a number ot people . 
amongst them that have a mind to begin ancv/ plantation, that they be en- 
couraged so to do, and that no plantation exceed in lands above ten Eng- 
lish miles square or such a proportion as amounts to ten miles square. 
Fourthly, That the aforesaid granted lands are to be divided into townships as 
people increase and appear to inhabit them, and thatno iands shall be granied 
to any particular persons but what shall be for a township, and what lands 
within a towship is granted to any partic.ilar persons to be by vote of the 
major part of the inhabitants legally and orderly settled in said township. 
Fifthly, For managing and regulating and to avoid contemions amongst 
them, they are to be under the government of the colony of the Massa- 
chusetts their neighbours and to observe their laws and orders tmtil they 
have a settled government amongst themselves. Sixthly, We the afore- 
said sagamores and our subjects are to have free liberty within the afore- 
said grafted tract of land of fishing, fowling, hunting and planting, Sec. 
Seventhly and lastly. Every township within tiie aforesaid limits or tract of 
land that hereafter shall be settled shall pay to Passaconaway our chief 
sagamore that now is and to his successors forever, if lawfully demanded, 
one coat of trucking cloth a year, and every year, for an acknowledgment, 
and also shall pay to Mr. John Wheelwrightaforesaid his heirs and successor 
forever, if lawfully de I'nanded, two bushels of Indian corn a year for and in 
consideration of said Wheelwright's great pains and caie, as also for the 
charges he hathbeenat to obtain this our granifor himself and those aforemen- 
tioned and the inhabitants that shall hereafter settle in townships on the 
aforesaid granted premisses. And we the aforesaid sagamores, Passacon- 
away sagamore of Penecook, Runnaawitt sagamore of Pentucket, Wahang- 
nonawitt sagamore of Squomsquot, and Rowls sagamore of Nuchawan- 
naek do by these presents ratify and confirni all the afore granied and 
bargained premisses and tract of land aforesaid, excepting and reservin};- 
as afore excepted and reserved and the provisoes aforesaid fulfiU'd, with all 
the meadow and marsh ground therein, together with all (ho mines, min- 
erals of what kind or nature soever, with all the woods, timber and tiniber 
trees, ponds, rivers, lakes, runs of water or water courses thereunto belong- 
ing, with all the freedom of fishing, fowling and hunting as our selves ►. 
with all other benefits, profits, privileges and appurtenances whai- 
sbever thereunto of all and every part of the said tract of lat:!d 
belono-ing or in any ways appertaining Unto !tm the said John Wheel-. 



wnght, Augustine Storer, Thomas Wight, William Wentworth and 
Thomas Levet, and their heirs forever as aforesaid, TO HAVE AND 
TO HOLD the same as their own proper right and interest without the 
least disturbance, molestation, or trouble of us, our heirs, execrs and ad- 
minrs io and with the said Jo^n Wheelwright, Augustine Story, Thomas 
Wight, William Wentworth and Thomas Levit their heirs, execrs. ad- 
minrs, and assigns, and other the English that shall inhabit there aijid their 
heirs and assigns forever shall warrant, maintain and defend. IN'WIT- 
NESS whereof we have hereunto set our hands and seals the seventeenth 
day of May 1629, and i^i the fifth year of King Charles his reign over 
England, &c. PASSACONAWAY, 00 mark, (Seal.) 

RUNAAWITT, + mark, (Seal.) 

WAHANGNONAWITT, ^ mark, (Seal.) 
ROWLS. X mark, (Seal.) 

Signed, Scaled, and Delivered in 1 

presence of us {Memorandum. On the 17th day of 

Wadergascom, I mark. '.May, one thousand six hundred twen- 

MiSToNABiTE, ,^ mark. [ ly and nine, in fifth year of the reign 

John Oldham. of our sovereign Lord Charles, king 

Sam. Sharpe. J of England, Scotland, France and 

Ireland, defender of the faithj &c. W ahangnonaway sagamore of Squam- 
squott in Piscaitaqua river, did in behalf of himself and the other saga- 
mores aforementioned then present, deliver quiet and peaceable poiTession 
of all the lands mentioned in the within written deed unto the within 
Mamed John Wheelwright for the ends within mentioned, in presence of 
us Walter Neal governor, George Vaughan factor, and Ambrose Gibbons 
trader, for the company of Laconia, Richard Vines, governor, and Richard 
Bonighton assistant, of the plantation at Saco ; Thomas Wiggin agent, 
and Ed^vard Hilton steward, of the plantation of Hilton's Point, and was 
sij^ned, sealed and delivered in our presence. In witness whereof we 
feave hereunto set our hands the day and year above written. 
Richd. Vines, TVa. JVeale^ 

Richd. Bonighto-Ry George Vaughan, 

Tho. Wiggin, Ambrose Gibbons. 

Edward Hilron, 
Recorded acpording to the original found on the ancient files for the 
countv of York, this 28th day of Jan. 1713, 

per JOS. HAMMOND, Reg. 
A true copy from York county records of deeds, &c. lib. 8. fol. 16. Sec. 

Att. DAN. MOULTON, Reg. 
Corrected by a copy on file in the superior court of New- Hampshire, in 
'ne case of Allen vs Waldron ; which copy is attested by the above named 
Jos. Hammond. 

No. IL 

in original letter from. Thomas Eyre ojie of the adventurers or comfiany 

of Laconici to Mr. Gibbons their factor. 

Mr. Gibbins, London the last of May, 1 63 1. 

YOURS of the 8th April 1630, from Piimouth I received and there- 
by tooke notice of your entertaining Roger Knight ; and here I 
present his wife 20«, pr. quarter at your desire and 3/. per quarter to yours. 
I hope by this they are both with you accorc^ng to your desire. I wish 



292 APPENDIX. 

all your wives with you, and that so many of you as desire wives had sncfc. 
as they desire ; for the adventurers desire not to be troubled with quar- 
terly payments. 

Your next to me is dated the 21st of July last at Pascataquacke, I take 
notice of your compii ints for want of the trade i^oods, and so much aslieth 
5n me it shall be otherwise, especially if you send us returnes, doubt you 
not but that you shall be supplied from time to time unto your owne. 
contents. 

Your 5d Ire to me is dated the 14th of August, by which I perceive 
divers of 'he commodities and provisions which you carried with you in 
the bark-' ' irwicke, were not to your likinpj for which I ara sorry. You 
know the trouble we had. I could not looke to Mr. Oldea's and all be-' 
sides. I hope by the Pide-Cowo you find it otherwise. I pray write me 
how you iike the hatchetts sent you by that ship and how all goeth. 

I like it well that your governor will have a stocke of bords at all times 
t-eadie. I hope you will find something to relade both the Pide-Cowe and 
the Warwicke. I will now put on the sending of you the moddell of a 
saw-mill that you may have one going. 

Your wife and children, Roger Knight's wife and one wife more we- 
have alredy sent you, and more you shall have as you write for them. 

Another Ire I have from you of the Uih August, in which you write 
■for cinother Mason. Wee have had enough to doe to goe so farre forwards 
as we have, as Capt. Keyes can tell you, now we begine to take heartc 
agaynej but the sight of returnes will be that which will indeede put life* 
into us. 

Among my New-England records I find your Ire unto Capt. Mason of 
the 14tb August last, wherein you give a good account of your times ' uent 
from *.he first of June untill then, as also of the manner of your trade which 
wan to Capt. Mason's Uking. We lio/ie ij9u willjind out some good mines, 
tVhick tviU be welcome ncvjes unto us. 

By Mr. Glover we reed. Ires from Capt. Neale, written as v.-c thitik 
about the end of March last, write me I pray, what winter you had, and 
how you had your healthes and why Capt. Neale went not in Septcm. last 
to (U?ccve; the lakes, as he wrote he would, and why you did not write by 
that conveyance. 

By the barke Warwicke we send you a iactor to take charge of the 
irade goods ; also a soldier for discovrie Sec. 

Thiis t conjend you, and your wii'c, who by this I hope is with you to 
(hs proieciion of the almightie. 

Your loving friend, 

THO. EYRE 
Kept untill the 7th of June. 

No. III. 
jin oripnal letter from the comjiavij to Gibbina, 

London 5th Decemb. 1 632. 
Mr. Ambrose Gibbons, 

7" OUR sundric letters we have received. Wee doe take notice of 
..)_ vour care and paines in our plantaii m and doe wish that others had 
bine th .t way the same that you are and wiil wee hope soe continew.. The 
a', .^uturers here have bine soe discouraged by reason of John Gibl)es ill 
dcaiing in his fishintr volagc, as alsoc by. the i>'n>^\\ returnes sent hither by 



APPENDIX. 293 

Capt. Neal, Mr. Herbert or any of their factors as that they have noe de- 
sire to proceed any farther, unti'l Capt Needle come hither to confer with 
them, that by conferrence wiih him they nay settle things in a better or» 
der. Wee have written unto Capt. Neale to aismise the household, onlic 
such as will or canne live of themselves may stay upon our plantation in 
such convenient places as Capt. Neale, Mr. Godfrie and you shall thinke 
fitt ; and after conference had with Capt. Neale they shall have a reasona- 
ble quantity of lands graunted unto them by deed. 

Wee praie you to take care of our house at Newichwannick and to looke 
well to our vines, also you may take some of our swine and goates, which 
wee pray you to preserve. Wee have committed the chelfe care of our 
house at Pascatta.vay to Mr. Godfrie and written unto Mr. Warnerton to 
takt care of our house at Strawberry-bancke. Our desire is that Mr. 
Godfrie, Mr. Warnerton and you should joyne loveing^iie together in all 
tilings for our good, and to advise us what our best course will be to doe 
another yeare. 

You desire to settle yourself upon Sanders Point. The adventurers are 
Avilling to pleasure you not only in this, in regard of the good report they 
have heard of you from tyme td tyme, but alsoe after they have conferred 
with Capt. Neale, they determyne some further good towards you for your 
further incouridgment. 

Wee desire to have our fishermen increased, whereof wee have written 
unto Mr. Godfrye. Wee thank you for assisting John Raymond, wee 
pray you still to be helpful to him that so he may dispatch and come to 
tis with such retourne as he hath, and if he hath any of his trade goods 
remayning unsold wee have willed him to leave them with you and we 
doe nereby piay you to receive them into your custody and to put them 
off wiih what conveniency you canne, and to send us the retournes by the 
first shipp that comes. Thus we commend you and your wife to thepro* 
r^ection of the almightye. 

Your loving friends, 
John Mason, Tho. Warnerton^ 

Henry Gardiner, Tho. Eyre, for my 

Geo. Griffith, children. 

No. IV. 
Copy of a letter from Gibbins to the comfiany. 

AFTER my umbie duty remembred unto your worships, I pray for your 
good health and prosperity. These are certifying your worship for 
the goocts I have received frem you. 1 have delivered unto Mr. John 
Raymon 761b and 4 ounses of beaver, 10 otters, 6 musquashes and on mar- 
tin n)ore, that Captain Neale had 3581b and li ounses of beaver and otter, 
17 martins, on biuck fo.^ skin, on other fox sxin, 3 racoon skins, 14 mus* 
quashes two of them with stones. Mr. Raymon's present departing and 
the intermixing of all the trade goods in my care until Mr. Vaughancom 
I cannot give you any satisfaction for the account of trade. I did advise 
Mr. Raymon to returne with all specde unto you. Your letters 1 received 
the 7th of June, i^ t lai g I will write if God wil by the next. Thus tak- 
ing my leave I comit your worship to Almighty God. 

Your worship's at command, 
From Newichwanicke AMBROSE GIBBINS, 

thi-^ 24th of June 1633. 



im 



>^|>.]piiNpIX, 



No. V^ 
Copy of another, from Gibbina to the comjiany. 

Newichwanickc, July IS, 1633. 

RIGHT honourajjl^, right vjforsljippful and the rest, my humble servw 
rembired. Your letter dated the 5th of December and Mr. Ares 
letter the third of April I received the seventh of June. The detaining 
of the former letter hath put you to a great charge in the plantation. For 
my care and paines I have not thought it much although I have had very 
Jiitle encouradgement from you and here. I do not doubt of your good 
will unto rnee. For your fishing, you complain of Mr. Gibbes ; A Lon- 
doner ia not for fishing, neither is there any amity betwixt the West cun- 
irimen ai>d them. Bristo or Barnstable is very convenient for your fishing 
shipes. It, is not enough to fit out shipes to fish but they must be sure 
(Giod wil) to be at their fishing place the beginning of February and not 
to come to the land when other men have half their viage. 

Mr. Warierton hath the charge of the house at Pascatawa and hath 
.?9f|th him William Cooper, Rufe Gee, Roger Knight, and his wife, Wil- 
iiatn Permit and on boy. For yovu- house at Nevvichwanicke, I seeing 
i^kt. necessity will doe the best I can there and elsewhere for you until I 
ikQ'Av from you againe. Advise I have sent but not knowing your intentes 
I cannot wel enlarge but I refer you to Mr. Herbert and Mr. Vaughan. 
Foi* my settlement at Sanders-Point and the further good you intend mc I 
kumbly thank you I shall do the best I can to be grateful. I have taken 
into my handes all ^be trade goods that remains of John Raymon's and 
l^lv. Vaiighan's and will with what convenience I may put them of. You 
SQm/dain of yaur ruiinrnca ; you take the coorse to have little ; a planta- 
iiqn nius: be furnished 'Mth cattle and good hir'd hands, and necessaries for 
i/kem ami not thinke the great lookes (f men and many tvords mil be a meanes 
iii raise fi /ilantaiion. Those that have been here this three year som of 
♦.hem have neither meat, money nor cloathes, a gieat disparagement. I 
tihail not ne^d to speak of this, you shall hear of it by others. For myself, 
afiy wife wd child and four men we have but half a barrel of corne ; beefc 
and porke I have not had but on peese this tiuee months, nor beare this 
Sour months ; for I have for tvifo and twenty months had but two barrels of 
l^eare and two barrels and four booshel ol' r.ialt, our nuuvber commonly 
s\ath bin ten. I nor the servantes have neither money nor clothes, 1 liave 
ibin as sparing as I could, but it will not doe. These four men with mc is 
Charles Knell, Thomas Clarke, Steven Kidder, and Thomas Crockitt, 
,il>ree of them is to have lor their wages until the first of March four pounds 
i^sir p.eif^e and the other for the yeaie six pounds which in your behalf I 
.^^Y/e promised ^p satisfy in money or bercr at ten shillings per pound. If 
.jljere werie nece^sarys for them for clothing there would not bee much 
,^u- them \o receavc. You nsay perhaps think that fewer men would serve 
jne but I have sometimes on C ijcne hiaidrcd] or more Indians and far 
|ion,i neybors : These that 1 have I can set to pale in ground for corne 
,^nd ga^:den. J have digged a wel within the palizado, where is good 
TV^t^r, I havjc that to close with timber. More men I could havf, and more 
.f.mplof, but i rest thus until I heare from you. The vvii.< thai were plant- 
id will com to liltlcy they prosper not in the ground they were set, tbem 
ihm groo natural are vcri good of divers sorts. . I have sent you a note of 
:hfi b^iikv.er taken hy me at Newichwanickc, and how it hath gon from ine. 
lieorge Vaughan hfUh a note of all the trade goodes in my custqdy of |he 



'>ld stojy John Ramon's and George Vaugban's accomtes, but the beaver 
beinge disposed of before I could make ihe divident I cannot see but it 
must be all onpackt and be divided by you. The governor departed from 
the plantation the fifteenth of July in the morning. So for this time I 
end, committing you to the protection of the Almighty and ever rest your 
loving servant. 

AMBROSE GIBBINS. 

No. VI. 
Cop.y of a Iciter jr^m Keal and IViggen rein ting to a division oj tht-ldfUls 
at Pascataqua^ 1633. 
Much honoured, 

IN obedience to your commands have survaied the river from the 
mouth of the harbor to Squamscutt falls, liqu^se from the harbor's 
mouth by the sea side to the Massachusetts bounds, and find that the 
bounds of your patterns will not aford more than for two tovirns in the riv- 
er of Pascataway and the remainder vill make another good towne having 
much salt marsh in it. And because you would have foure townes named 
as you desired wee have treated with a gentleman who has purchased a 
trackt of land of the Indyans at Sciuamsciitt falls, and your land running 
up to the said falls on one side of the river from the tails about a mile 
downward, said gentlemen having a mind to said land on your side to a 
certain crike and one mile bacward from the river which we agreed on 
and the crike is called Weelewright's, the gentleman's name being Weele- 
■wright and he was to name said plantation (when settled) Exeter. And 
the other two towns in the river, the one A''or(h-ham and Portsmouth the 
other. Bounded as followeth, viz. Portsmouth runes from the harbor's 
mouth by the sea side to the entrance of a little river bnween two bed 
lands which we liave given the names of the Little Bore's-hed, and the 
Grete Boie*s-hed, and from the mouth of that little river to go on a strait 
line to the aforesaid creeke which we have named Weelewrighs creeke 
and from tliens down the river to the harbor's mouth where it began. And 
North-ham is the bounds of all the land of Hilton's Point side. And the 
other land from the little river between the two Boores-Heds to run by 
the sea till it meets with the line between the Massachusetts and you, and 
:io to run from the sea by said Massathusetts line into the woods eight 
miles and from thence atwart the woods to meete with Poitsmouth line 
neere Wheletight's creeke and that tracte of land to be called Hamfiton. 
So that their is foure towns named as you desired but Exeter is not within 
the bounds of your pattents. But the grete dificulty is the agreement 
about the dividing line betv/een the pattent of the twenty thousand acres 
belonging to the company of Laconyah and the pattent of Bluddy poynt 
the river running so intrycate, and Bluddy poynt patent bounds from thence 
to Squamscutt falls to run three miles into the woods from the water side. 
But for your better understanding thereof v;ee have sent you a draft of it 
according to our best skill of what v.'c know of it at present, and have 
;!rawn a dividing line between the two patients, so that Portsmouth is part 
of both pattents and Hampton we apprehend will be holly in the twenty 
thoiisaiu! acres pattent, and North-ham i"i the bounds of Hilton's point pat- 
tent. If what wee have don be to your likinge wee shall think our time 
«vp11 spent ard Nvbat further comniands yon w"!! please to lay on us wc 



296 APPENDIX^. 

shall readily obeye to the utmost of our power. Wee humbly take leve 
?ind subsci-ibe ourselves, Your devoted and most hvimbie servants, 
North-ham on Pascataway river, in ^ WALTER NELE, 

New-England, 13 August, 1633. 3 THOMAS VVIGCilN. • 
Superscribed, To John Mason Escj. governor of Portsnoiiui to be com« 
municated to the pattentes of Laconicih and Hilton's point, humbly 
present in London. 
Wee under wiiircn being of the government of the province of Maine 
doe affirm that the above letter written and sent by Waller Nelc and 
Thomas Wiggin and directed to John Mason Esq. governor of Ports- 
mouth to be conununicued to the puttentes of Ltconiah and Hilton's 
point, is a irewcopia compared with the original!. And further wee doe 
affirme that there wasfoure grcte gunes brought to Pascatqua which ware 
given by a merchant of London for tlie defence of the river, and at the 
same time the Earle of Warwicke, Sr Fcrdenando Gorges, Capt. John 
Mason and the rest of tb.e pattci tees sent an ordel* to Capt. Walter Nele 
and Captn. Thomas W'it; r:,en tber agents and governor at Pascataway to 
make choise of the most convenient piace in the said river to make a for- 
tefecatyon for the defence thereof and to mount those foure gunes giveea 
to the place, which accordingly was done by Capt. Walter Neie and Capt,. 
Thomas Wiggin and the pattentes servants, and a draft was sent of ihe 
place that they had made choice of to the said earle and company, and 
the draft did containe ah the necke of land in the north este side of the 
grete island that makes the grete harbor, and they gave it the name of 
i'ort-poynt, and allDtted it so far backe into the island about a bow-shoat 
to a grete high rocke whereon was intended in time to set the principall 
forte. 

That the above Is all truth wee affirme, and by the desire of Copt. WaU 
ter Nele and Capt. Thos. Wiggen wee have ordered this wrighting to ly 
in our files of records of their doings therein. In witness whereof wee 
have hereunto sett our hands and seles at Gorgeana, in the province of 
Maine, in Ne»v-Engiand, 20th August 1633, 

RICH. VINES, (Seal.) 

HENRY JOCELYN, (Seal.) 

No. VII. 
^n original letter from Sir F. Gorges and Capt, Mason to Messrs^ Wan- 
nerton and Gibbins. 
Mr. Wannerton and Mr. Gibbons, 

TfJiiSE are to let you know that wee with the consent of the rest of 
our partners have made a division of all our land lying on the north 
easi side of ihe harbor, and river of Pascataway ; of the quantities of 
which lands and bounds agreed upon for every maii's part we send you a 
coppie of the draft, desiring your furtherance with the advice of Capt. 
No; ton and Mr. Godfrey to set out the lynes of division bet^\ixtoiir lantl-i: 
and the lands of our partners next adjoining, beciiuse we have not onlie 
each of u» shipped people present to plant upon owr ownc landcs at our 
owne chrirpe, but have given direction to invite and authoiitic to reccivt- 
such others as may be had to be tcnmits^ to plant and live there iur the 
more speeiiie peopling of the countrie. And whereas there is belonging 
unto me Sir Fcrdinando Gorges, and unto Capt. Mason for himself and 
for Mr. John Cotton and his deceased brother Mr. William Cotton, bi-lh 
whose interests Capt Mason hath bought, the one hulfe of all mu-Lcrs mc . 



APPENDIX. 297 

's^pnti^ i" the inventorie of hoiishold stufie and impleitients left in tiiist 
with you by Capt. Neale, whereunto you h:>.ye subscribed your names and 
whereof a coppie is herewith sent, we desiir you to cavise an e ii.'l divi- 
sion as neere as possibile may to be made of all the s.iied matters menconed 
iii the invcntoiie inkinde, or if some of them caniiot be so divided t; <.?, ihe 
uu halfe to be m.Ade equall to the otlier in valewof all the saied ir-a't^i s, cx- 
t:epi the cattell and suites of apparell and such other things as belong per- 
ticuiaily to Cspt. Mason, and to dehverthc said one halfe of a!! the saic:d 
matters soe to be divided, ur.to Mr. Henry Jocelyn for the use of our pian- 
lattons, taking an inventory thereof under his hand of all you lihaii soe de? 
liver hime, and makings certificate to us thereof. And for yo'.a- roe r oeing 
this sliall be your sufliticnt warrant and dischar.^c. And so wee '.est, 
Your verie lovinge friends, 
PortsmouWi, Maye 5, FERDIN. GORGE, 

i6Si. JOHN MASON. 

No. VIII. 
jiii original letter from Cafit, Mason to Gibbins. 

Mr. Gibbins, 
'HESE people and provisions which I have now sent with Mr. Joce- 
lyne are to sett upp two mills upon my own division of Irindes idit-;y 
agreed upon betwixt our adventurers ; but I thinke not any of them vviii 
adventure this yeare to the pitUitation besides Sr Ferdinuiiuo Gv ; t^c ; and 
•.rkyself, for which I am sorrye in liuU so good a busines (albeit hithex'to it 
liath bene unprofitable) should be; subject to fall to the ground. Therefore 
I have strayned myselle to doe this at this present, and could have wished 
that tnc rest would have joyned to have .sent you some provisions for trade 
and 'support of the place, but that faiieing I iiuve direc'ed to you as a token 
from myselfe one hogshead of mault to r.uike you some be.,re. The 
servants with you and such others as rem-.iine upon the companies chardge 
are to be discharged and payed their wages out of the ? oci;e of beaver in 
yop.v hands c-.t the rate of i2s. the pound, whereof 1 tiu.nke the company 
will write you more at large. And wee h;.ve agreed to devide all our 
movables mentioned in t!ie inventory that Cupt. Nei-'e brought home, 
which were left in trust with you taid Mr. Wannerton. i bought Mr. Cot- 
ton's and his brother's pane of all their adventases ; so r'. t the haife of 
,uil belonges to Sr Ferdinando Gorges and mj selfe, and of that haife three 
ciuarters will be dcwe to me and one quarter to Sr r er-ii .uido. These 
things being equally divided they are to be delivered to Mr. .Toceiine, my 
three partes of the halfe, and the other fourth to whom Sr Ferdinando 
shall appointe. And you must afford my people some house roome in 
^ewichewannocke house, and the cowes and goafcs which are all mine, 
and i-l swine with their increase, some ground to be uppon till wee have 
Dome phice provided upon my new divided land, or that yau receive my. 
f\n*lher order. A copie of the division of the landes is herewith sent unto 
yoi". 

The stockinges and the mault and the suites of cloathes, and suggar nd 
raysiiiges and wine that v/as deliveied by Mr. Bright and Mr.Le.ve.il 
have not received any satisfaction for, wherein I must crave jour he pe 
and such satisfaction as may be sent by this shipp. 

The christall sloa.ics ijcu sent are of little or no valenv unless they tv, re 
«v» r^rfat !■;': -n^rtf.-- drivkinic at/ifiei "r ^^t"' nf^rr vtrkes^ €« fnllers for Jairc, 
Go 



f98 APPENDIX. 

tookeinge "tfhssts or /or garnishing^ of' rich calinrtn. Good iron Cr !ciid oatv 
I should like better of if it could be found. 

1 have disbursed a threat dealc ot" money in your plantation and never 
I'eceived one penny, but hope if (here ivcre once a disc.-cerie cf the iaktu 
that I should in some reasonable time be reimbursed ugcAt!. 1 pray you 
helpe the mr what you can to son'.e of the best iron sto'.uic fo. ballafjt, and 
in case he want other la'.ieinr;e to fill the shipp vipp wiih btockes oi cy' 
press wood and cedar. Let me hear from you of all matters necessary 
and wherein I maye doe you any pleasure I sliall be icddie, and hO with 
rs\y heartic coiiunendations, 1 rest your verie lovcino; friend, 

Portsmouth, Mav 5th. i654. JOHN MASON. 

(Received lOth July, 1634.) 

No. IX. 

v'i/iiji'jer to the forc^-oi7ig. 

''^L/'OUR worship liavt^ done well in settin;^ forvvartl your plantacon, and 
X for your millcs tiiey wiil prove beneficial unto you bv God's .is-isi* 
ance. I wouia you bad taken this coorsc sooner, for tbenierchui.ts I 
shall be very cautyousc how I deale with any of them vhiic i hve. j:ut 
God's wilj be done. 1 and the v.'orld doth juili'e that I could '.lOi. in t; esc 
my dayes have spent ray time for nocthinge. i'cr their sending;; trade Mid 
support I desire it not. I have supported but no^v sonkc uncicr my i/ur- 
then, the more I thinUe on this, the more is my griefe. 

I have received tlie hogsd. of mault that you sent ir.e, giveinj^- you 
Immble thar.ks for the same. The serv^nls tiiat were with me iue cils- 
charsi^ed and payd their v/ages for tliC yeare past and i have deiivcied i:n- 
to Ml'. Vrannerton 43lb. o! bea\er to pay thobC that were with h.ini for the 
year past. For t'uc paying; of tiie servarils tijcte old wav:,cs or the dividing 
of the i^oods I expect a general lelLer, if not then to hcarc further from 
your worsUippc. Your carjjeulcrs aic Nviti) me and i will further them 
the be^it 1 Ciiii. Capt. Ncaie apprjynted me two of your goals to keepc, at 
his dopurtiuRe, I praise God they are 4. Of tiic tjoods that Mr. Jirigl.t. 
left i onely lecd. of Capt. Ncale 4 busIiclJs of mault and at several times 
8 eailons of sucke, and froai Mr. Wannerton T bushells aid 1 peck of 
mault, 5 ib. and halfe of sugar and 3 pr. of childi-en stockins^s and 97 lb 
of beefe whicf. was of an old cow that Mr. Wc.niierton kiiicd, beintj,- doubt- 
full that she would not live over the winter, i'ur tlidse I wiii pay Mr. 
Joce'iin for you- 

J Jitrceiof xjoii have a great viijrd to the lakc^^ and I as grea' n rji/' to 
assist you. If I had 2 horses and 3 v-wn leitli me I 'mould by God'a i^cijie 
scon r^.iGlve you of the situation of i:^ but not to live there r.iysclfe. 

The Pide-Cow arrived the 8th Julie, the r5lh day she casU-.nciio:' some 
haife a mile t^^f^m the tails, the 18th day the shippe unladen, the I9ih fell 
downe the river, the 22d day the carpenters bei^an abor.l the mill, tl;e 5lh 
of Auj^ust the iron .'•:ioanc taken in the shippe. Tl.ere is of 3 horts, on 
sort that the rnyna doth cast fourth as the tree dotli s^um, whicii is sent ii^ 
a rundit. On of the other sortes we take to in; very rich, there is j;rcat 
sto e Oi it. For tne other I know not ; but may it please you to lake no- 
tice of the waight i.nd measure rf every sort, btuore it gootb. into the fui- 
nace and what tiie stone of sue. weight and n-e.isure uili yeeid in iron. 
Tlws that 'e take to bethc best stone Is one nuie to tlie suuih'\ard ol the 



APPENDIX^ 200 

^^:eat house*, it is some 200 rodd in length 6 foote wide, the depth we 
Jinow not> fur want of tools for that purpose we tooke onely the surface of 
the mine. 

I h.u'e puled in a piece of ground and planted it. If it please God to 
send us a ciiie lime I hope there will be 3 or 10 quarters of come. You 
have heare at the j^reat house 9 cowes, 1 bull, 4. calves of the last yeare 
and 9 of this yeaie ; they prove very well, f.irre better than ever was ex- 
pected, they are as good as your ordinary cattel in England, and the goats 
prove some of them very well both for milk and breed. If you did send 
u shippe for the Western Islands of six >-core tunne or thereabouts for 
cowes and goiues it would be iM-ofitable for you. A stocke of iron woi"ke 
to be put away with your boardcs from the mill will be good, nayles, 
spikes, lockes, hinges, iron works for boats and pinaces, twine canvis^ 
need.es. ..nd cordage, pitch and tarre, grapies, ankers, and necessarys for 
that pui pcsc. 

Sr, 1 iidvc written unto Mr. John Round to repair unto your worship ; 
he is u silver smith by his trude but hath spent much time and means a- 
bout iron, may it please you to send for him, he dwelleth in Mogul street^ 
if you are ac^uaiuted with any finer or mettle man enquire of him and as 
you see cause send for him, he is well scene in all mineralls ; if you 
deale with'him he will give vou a good light for your proceedings. 

The 6th of August, the shippe ready to set saylc for Sacotoload cloave 
bords and pipe staves. A good husband with hih, wife to tend the cattle 
and to make butter and clieese will be profitable, for maides they ar« 
soone gone in this country. For the rest I hope Mr. Jocelyn for your 
own particulars wiil scaisiye you for I have not power to examen it. Tlii* 
•-virh my humble service to your worship, 1 rest, 

Ne^vichawanock, Your ever loving servant, 

the Cih of August, 1634. AMBROSE GIBBINS. 

No. X. 

An orii^lnal letter froin G. Vaughan to Mr. Gibbins. 
Mr. Gibbcns, Boston, Aug. 20, 16S4. 

7"E only wait for a faire wind. I shall acquaint Mr. Mason and the 
rest (;f the 0\vners fully of what you and I have formerly discoursti 
and if they give rnee incouradgment hope shall see you againe the next 
yeare. Lookeing over my papers found the inclosed, it being the divisy- 
on of the tov/nes, and the copia of what Capt.Nele and Capt. Wiggens 
wroat hoonic to the pattentes of Laconiah and Hilton's Point. It may be 
of som u^c to you hereafter, therefore sent it you, Icste Capt. Wiggens 
should Tiiah" another blusitr. Which with my kind love to you and your 
spou^t: an.i little Bo:!:, I am your assured friend, 

GEORGE VAUGHAN. 

No. XI. 

Aiiothcr from the same. 
l.nv'\n<x tVend Gibbcns, London, lOth April, 1636. 

W'^i'Ai put iiito Ireland gcinge home, and theie was taken sike and 
left-' behind, and layc so long l)cfore I got well that it was the lat- 
ter e!5d of December laste before i got to London, and Mr. Maaon nvaa 
dad. But I spoke with Sr I'erdinarido Gorges and the other owners, but 
'<hey !>,a\e me no incouradgment f.'r New-England. I acquainted \h^xf\ 
' The peat house stood oppositf to the house of Mr. Temple Kn^l>t 



300 AtrzNmy^. 

Fully of whatyoii and I discoursed, but ihey were quite could in that mali* 
ter, Mr. Mason beini,^ ded and Sr Fferdinando mindiwg only his one diviiy- 
on. rle teles nie he is geting a pattenie for itT^om the king from Pasccft- 
aqua to Sagadehocke, and that beiwene Mereniacke and Piscateiqua he 
left for Mr. Ma;un, rj/ic if liee had lived would a tnoke a pattent for that 
also, and so i suppose the affaiis of Laccnia is ded also. 1 intend to goo 
for the Ebte Indyesj a frend of inine ha\ e made mee a verj good protter 
and I thinke to take up with it. Which is what offers at present. Thus 
•ivith my kind iove to you and your wife and daughter, 

I am vour loving friend, 

GEORGE VAUGHAN. 
J\r. B. 77;e ten preceding papers are in the recordcr^n office for Hock' 
irigham county, 

XII. 

Copy of a report of a Committee of Reference on the petition of Rcb.Ma- 
{.O'l^ Edward Godfrey, and othcru to the king, (in 1661.) 
To the Kinges most excellent Majestic, 

ACCORDING to your majesties leference upon the petition of Rob- 
ert Mason, Edward Godfrey, and others, hereunto annexed, bearing 
Ci\--^(: Lit Whitehall the vcventeenth of November 1G60, wee have heard 
the c'.-.imes and complaints of the pcticoncrf;, and also suuiinoned by pro- 
~cess publicquely executed att the exchange on the 2 Ist day of January lasl 
agu'.nat ail persons interested in that husincs.'-, but none appeared but Capt. 
Jno. Leverett, who acimowledged that formerly heewas commissionated|as 
v.n agent of the corporiicon of Boston in New-England, but that i;ow he 
l)ad Uf.'C ciiithorily to appear or act on their behalf. 

Upon producing of divers letters pattents and examinacon of witnesses, 
v.ee (inde. That Capt. Jno. Mason, grandfather to Robert IMason one ol" 
the peiiconers, and Edward Godfrey another of the peilconers, by virtue 
ui f,everal letters pattents under ihe great scale of England granted unto 
iheiii t.nd others })y your maje>ties late royal father, by tlicniselvcs and 
their a^signes have been in actual and quiei pdbscsslon of several tracts, 
pavscUs I'.nd di isions of land in New-EnL;!arid, as in and by the said let- 
ters patents is particularly expressed, and that the said C-o.^A. Jno. r^iasc 
.-,.id the said Edward ''ioclfrey/iid expend and lay out consideri'ble sumS:*.;' 
:i-ic;riey in settling plantacons and collon\s there ; That the said Edwrif; 
tuxlfiey has lived tiieie for five and twenty yeares, having underi'crie f.i.fi 
li'-scharged the office of governor of the province of INlayne with nuicli 
'<-,iutacon of integrity and justice, endeavouring the regulaccn end gov- 
■ ivucnt of those panes where he lives according lu the knov.r, and t-c'>- 
:fi lawes of this kin^^dome That nutwithstandin.;, tl-.fc said Edward Gcd- 

■•.-y has not only been turned out of his said place of governor, butt has 
iieei) vuterly outed and dispossessed of his lands and estate in that conn- 
l; V. which the inhabitants of the Massuchusetts have forcibly seized and 
i-iiil doe detayne the same from him ; Tluit it ai)pears as well by testi- 
ii.,::.v of wimesses as by a coppy of the letters pattents that, they were not 
;.) ac! any thiny; repugnant to the iuwcs of England, nor to extend their 
!r;un:is and limits of the siud corporac(;n farther tlK\n three miles north- 
\v :.:•,[ of Merryinacke river, and as a memoiial and evidence theteof, the 

■ '.emor of the Massachnsells did sett up ai» hov.se about thirty yeares 
■ l:Icu 13 called //k- h-iu:.'d kov-nc, and iS V.tHr.vne by that na;i>e to tiilS 



APPENDIX. 601 

iay, and with this division and assignment or lott of land the inhabitants 
and putientees of the said corporttcon of the Massachusetts rested content 
for the spitce of sixteen ye.nb together, until about the year 1652 they did 
enlarge and stretch their line about threescore miles beyond their Known 
and settled bounds afoseaid ; and have thereby not only invaded and in- 
croached upon the planiacons and mheritances of the petitioners and other 
youi majesties subjects, but by menaces and armed forces coinpeiied 
them to submitt to their usurped and arbitrary government which they 
have declared to be independent of this your majesties crowne of England, 
and not subordinate thereunto. 

It appfiars further by the witnesses that the colony of Massachusetts has 
for these many years past endeavoured to modell and contrive themselves 
inlo a free state or com men wealth without any relacon to the crowne of 
England; assuming on t!;euiselves the name and stile of a commonwealth, 
issuing of writs in their owne name, imposing of oathes to be true unto 
themselves contrary to that of allegi nee. coyning of money with their 
owne stamps <xm\ signatures, exercising an arbitrary power over the 
estates and persons of all such as submitt not unto their government al- 
lowing them noe appeales to England. And some have been soe bold afs 
publiquely to affirme, that if his majestic should send them a governor, 
that the several! lownes and churches throughout the whole country un- 
der their government did resolve to oppose him, and others have said 
that before they of New-Eiii^land would or should submitt to any appeale 
to England they would sell that country or plantacon to the king of 
8paine*. 

That by reason of the premises the said Rob. Mason and Edward God- 
frey have beene damijified in their plantacons and estates to the value of 
five thousand pounds, according to the judgm-ent and estimacon of sever- 
al! witnesses, examined in that behalfe. But by what pretence of right 
or authority the !}-Ia .sachuselts have taken uppon tnem to proceede and 
rxt in such manner doth not appeare to us. 

A;i which we most hun^biy represent to your majestie in duty and 
jbcdicnce to your com mane's, not presuming to offer any opinion in a bu- 
siness of soe high impoitancc, wherein the publique interest and gov- 
eniment of your majestie appeals soe much intermixt and concerned 
with the private interest of the peticoners. 

Rubi. Masen, G. Sweitj 

Ja. Bunce, Richard Fox/i, 

Th. Ex ton, Jo. Mijllrs,. 

Tho. Povexj. 

'JViihout date^ in the recorder's office for Rockingham county. 

No. XI 11. 
To the King's most excellent Majesty. 
I'he himible petition of Robert Mason, proprietor of the province of New- 
Hampshire, in New-England, 
Shev.eth, 
^B"1HAT your majesty's royal grandfather king James, of ever blesseti 
B memory, did by his highness letters patents under the great seale 
of England, bearing date at Westminster the third day of November, in 
the cigliteenlh yeare of his reigne,gi', o, grant and confirm unto several of 
"tlw prir.cipal noLiii'.y ind gentry of this kingdome by the name of t\^ 
* Vide Hutch, collec. pap. page 338. 



cfK.i'jcell of New-England, their successors and assignes tbiever, all the 
liii'Ji in America lying between the degrees of 40 and 48 north laiiuide, 
by Uie name of New-Engiund, to be held in fee, with many royal piivi- 
le^jes and immunities, only paying to his majesty, his heirs and success- 
sois, one fift part of all the oare of gold and silver that should at any time 
be iound upon the said lands, as by the said letters patents^ doth at large 
ar eare. 

J. nat John Mason, esq. your petitioner'r, grandfather, by virtue of sev- 
eral V5'"iits from the said counceil of New England, under iheire common 
s^ijle, bc-.nns' date ihe 9th of March 1C21, the 10th of August 1622, the 
7th o{ Noveu-bcr 1629, and the 22c! of Apni !635, was instated in lee in a 
great tract of land in New-England, by the, nume of New-Hampshire. lyeiiig 
upon the bca-coast bet'.veen tiie rivers ot Naitnikeek and Pascataway, and 
runrriiig up into the Idnd westwaixl threescore miles, with all the islands lye- 
ing Within five leagues distance of any j)art thereof; and also the south halle 
of the Isles of Shoals ; and aiso tnc said John Masun to.getrcr with Sir Fer* 
din.».nd'> Gorges, knt was enieofied by the aforesaid counceil ot New-Eng- 
I?.rid in other lands by the name oi Laconia by their deed beareing date the 
27ih -y of Noveniber 1629, the said lands iyeing and bordering upon the 
grea. lakes ana rivers cf the Iroquois and other natio*. ■■, adjoining. All 
■whic' Si'id lands to be held as fuiiy, freely, in as large, ample and bene- 
ficivii iiij.ViVitr ^ nd forme \-^ a!i inicnls and purposes whatsoever as tlie said 
coiinoeii of No.w-Engk-.n;;i f-.y virtue of his U!ajest)'s said letters patents 
jn gii: or ought to hold and enjoy the s;vme, us by tl^e said several grants 
aVM eares. 

VV hereupon j'our peud<.ner'.s said grandfitlier did expend upwards of 
twenty two thousand f/ounds in tran'poning people, buih'.ing houses, forts, 
and magazines, furnishing them with great store of amies of all boits, 
Avith artillery great and smtrll, for defence and protccilon of his'^-rvants 
ar.d tenants, Avith all other necessary commodities and mateiiaHi fo'r er.tabr 
iii^iiij ;'. settled pldivcion. 

5'hu'. hi ihe year i62S, in the fourth yearc of the reigne of your majes- 
ty's royal father, some pcv'ii.ins did surrci-tiuf nsly and unktio-v-n fo the taid 
cozi??rr/^, get the seale of the said counceli tiili:;ed to a grant of certaine 
lands, whereof the greatest part were soiemi/iy past unto your petitioner's 
grandfather and others long before, and soonc after did the same persons 
by liieir diidi/l prncii.ses- i!;er. a confirmation of the said i ri^nt under the 
great scale of England, as a corpcrahon by the name oi' TME CORPO- 
RATION OF THE MASSACHUSEFTS BAY IN NEW-LKG- 
LAND, your majrsti/s royal Jather fxiiig umvrUing thcrecfy and having 
thus by fraud obteyned 'a grant and confirmation, they compelled the 
vightfull inhahuants to desert their plantations, and by many oiitragi(ji:s 
scions they became possessed of llrat part of the country, declai'eing 
thcniselves to be a free [leop'e, frameing to themselves new lawes, with 
ne.v methods in religion absokitely contrary to the lanes and customcs of 
this youv majesty's realme of England, punishing diverse tliat would iwt 
approve thereof, some by whipping, others I)y bti; ning their hou':es, and 
some bv ban'.shmg, and 'he like. 

At last the compjuints of the oppressed s'.:i-)jccts reaching the cares of 
vour royal father, h.is magcs'y caused tlte v hole nuutei' to bc.cxandned 
hefuve his most f.onourahic privy counceil and all being Unly pio\cd, his 
mf<(jc*t!ty did ccni'smr.nd t!iC connccU of New-England to give -an acct/n^j 



\^j v»hat authoiiiy, or by whoso procurement those people of the Massa- 
ciuisctts B iy were i:,cut over, his nKijehty concicving the Scid counceli to 
be ;.'uii;y iheieol. 

h\v. the Mif' coance'l of New-riielund made it phinley tr ;jpne,c'te to 
.bis majesty a>.t they weiv i norant ot the vvho'.e m.^.t::v-r and th.it t'ley had 
5100 share in the evills coinmiued and whoily discldiined the Scin:e. iind 
the Said conteii iinding they had not sufficient means to t^ire redress ;ind 
reciify what Nvas bro't lo niine, ihey hunibly relcrred to his mf^jesty to 
d''c therein as be pieasctl aiid thereupon the suid couiiceil of New-Eng- 
ii;land resolved to resign, and did actually resigne the great cn-arter of 
New-England into his majesty's royal handes, seeing there was an abso- 
iute nccesbiiy for his majesty to take the management of that country to 
himself, it being become a business of high consequence and only to be 
remedied by his savereiga power, all which appears by ii:e declaration of 
the counceli of New-England dated the 25tn of April, 1635, together with 
>he act of surrender of the great charter of New-England dated the 7th 
day of June, the same year. 

That iLnmedJateiy thereupon, his majesty in trinUy terme 1635, caused 
a quo warranto to be brought up by Sir John Banks his majesty's then 
attorney general ai;ain>t the governor, deputy governor and every of the 
assistants oftlie said corporation of Massachusetts in Ne\v-Engl-:.nd seve- 
rally, according to thvir names mentioned in the said patents of incorpo- 
ration, being twenty six pcraons, whereof two being dead, of the remayn- 
ing twenty four persons, the! e did fourte n at severa' times appeare at 
the king's bench bar and there di'-xiaimed the charter, the remaining tenn 
person.! were ouiiuv.ecl, and thereupon jiidgment given for the king, that 
tile iibcriies and franchises of the said cori)oration of Massachusetts Bay 
;.hoald b:; seizudnr.o the kin .^*s hundes & the body of the governor to be taken 
into custody for usurping tiie said liberties, all which appears by the roles 
in the or '.vn clncc, of custos brevium for the king's bench of the proceed- 
ings in the severall terms from the yeare 1635 to 163". 

i'ijat thereupon his said royall majesty on the 3d day of May 1637, did 
order in counccil that the attorney genl. be reciuired to call for ihe said 
patent and present the same to the boaixl, and his majesty by his declara- 
tion of the 23d of July 1637, in the 13ih yeare of his rcigne declared his 
loyal pleasure for establishing a general! government in his territory of 
Ncw-E:igiand for the prevention of the evils that otherwise m.ight ensue 
for defaul; thereof, thereby deciaiing Sr Ferdinando Goi'gcs to be gover- 
nor gencri.il of the whole country and requiring all persons to give theire 
obedience accordingly. 

That the warrs ai.'d troubles imnjediately ensueingin Scotland and pres- 
ently aftei- here in Englant! did hinder his said majesty from settling thai 
country oi prosecutiir; the right which h.e intended his subjects, however the 
proceedings -.A ms niajesiy c used some le.straint to the further ^ioIcnces 
and oppressions oftne said MtissLiciiusctts, and they conteyned themselves 
lor a time within their pretended bounds but nos sooner was that king of 
blessed memory your royal father become a saciifice but they renewed 
ihcjrc iormer viu.euces l)y oppressing ali the other colonies and designe- 
ing by encouragement from some in luigland to erect themselves into a 
Gomm'-n wealth, and in order to lay a found.ition for this power and domin- 
jon which they now aspired unto they thought it necei-:sary to extend theire 
•fco-.iirfe and spi'crsd into u l.Tgci' terri*ory then us yet they hod usurped, and 



S04; APPENDlt. 

that this work might not be done without a inask or colof of right they d9» 
in an assembly held at BosKjn the 19tii ;>t Octobei i652, seriously peruse 
the o;rant (which had been procured as aforesd.) unci Jierein weighine; the 
words and trying what new sence tliey n)i<'htbecire iiiOie suteable to theire 
increttse of power, they tho't fit at length to declare thcii'selves mistaken 
in whai they hud done in the year IfiSl, when they erected bound-houses 
and had for soe many yeares confined themrelves thereunto, whereas now by 
the help of an imaginary line or rather by a new reason of state there is 
a sence imposed by them /•elves ufion ifufre onvn vjordes and thty stretch 
their rights to neer two hundred miles of land northward and as much 
i-.outhward mo e than they were satisfied withal before, swallowing up your 
majesty's petitioner as well as others whose piopeiiies were established 
iong before the said people had any being. And that they might give execu- 
tion to this righteous sentence they presently invade and by force ofarnii^ 
seize upon the province of jYeiv- Hampshire^ and other lands of right be- 
longing to your petitioner, besides what they did to others, compeLing the 
inhabitants to swear to be true to them and to cast off their iuwiul lords, 
and such as refused were either ruined, banished or imprisoned, and any 
appeales to England utterly denied unto them, then they proceed to coin- 
ing of money with their owne impress, raising the coine oi England, and 
acting in all matters in a most absolute snd arbitrary wny. And although 
your peiitioner by his agent Joseph iviason did demand redress ol he 
genera; court of Massachusetts setting at Boston in 1652,oriering to n^uke 
out the right and title of your petitioner lo the province of New-Han. p- 
shire and other lands against all persons whatsoever, yet noc restitution 
could be obtayned without a ^lubniission to their authority, and to hoid the 
lan'ls from them v.hich the petitioner then C\\A refuse and hath alwaies 
refused chusing rather to wait for more happy times wherein to expect 
Feliefe than by a legal! resignation of liis rights to those who had none at 
all divest himself of what his ancestors had purchased at soe deare a rate : 
Your yelitioner having as eaquall a right to the govermnent in the said 
province as he hath to the land itself, ai! which appears by a report made 
to your majesty the 15th of February 1661, when your petitioner first ex- 
posed to your majesty the oppre<-sions under which he had so long groan- 
ed, in the evil times, and which grieves him aov/ much more to beare 
while hee has the protection of soe just and gracious a soveraigne to re^ 
sort to. 

Wherefore your petitioner most humbly imploi'es your majesty to take 
notice, that (by a plaine discovery of what fraud in the beginnu)g and the 
length of troubled times has helped to conceale) the Bostoners have noe 
patent of incorporation at all, that yet they have undei- colour of right and 
authority from the crown devoured your petitioner and other proprietors 
whose titles are by your majesty's learned councell ailcwed as strong as 
the law can make them. 

That all vvaies have been tried and methods used to obteyn justice from 
the Bostoncrs, but ail have proved incffcctua.i, that your petitioner's losses 
have been soe many and great, and his sulTeiings soe conunued that he 
cannot any longer support the burthen of them. . And when your majes- 
ty will but consider how small the respect has been wherewith ihove pec-, 
pie have treated your majesty since your happy restauralion, and what 
daily breaches are by them made upon your majesty's acts of navigation. 
»vVii9h turncs so grestly to the detriment of this kingdom.c in genera^- 



Appendix. 305 

these lostes and suffcriiv^s of a particular subject cannot much be ques*- 
tioned, soc that your peiidoncr humbiy hopes that your majesty will think 
it b''4ti time to stretch fonh youv royall hand of justice to assist your peti- 
tiojici\ that hee may have the quiet possession of his province, and re- 
paration macie him for the Jobses susteyned, in such ways and methods as 
the iniportaiiof. of the case requires, and your majesty in your royall wis" 
dome shall think most fitt. 

And your petitioner shall ever pray. 

ROB. MASON. 
[From, a cofaj.in tfie fiossession of the Masonian proprietors.'] 

XIV. 

A brief declaration of the right and claim of the governour and company 
of tiic Massachusetts Bay in Ncw-England, to the lands now in their 
possession, but pretended to by Gorge and Mr. Mason, together with an 
answer to their several pleas and complaints in their petitions exhibited : 
Humbly presented ancl submitted by the said t^overnour and company 
to the king's most excellent majesty, as their defence. 

IN the yeare of our Lord 1628, in the third yeare of his late majesty 
Ciiarles the first, of happy memory, several loyal and piously disposed 
gentlemen obtained of the j^teat council of New-England, a grant of a cer- 
tain tr?.ct of land lying in New-England, described and bounded as therein 
expressed ; which was in all respects fairly and openly procured and with 
so good an intent of propagating the gospel among the natives, ano to ad- 
vance the honoin- and dignity of his late majesty, of happy memory, that 
lliey V. eie bold to supplicate his said majesty to superadd his royal confir* 
mation thereto, which accordingly in an ample royal charter was passed 
and remains uiider the broad seal of England, March the 4th 1629, in the 
fourth year of his majesties reign, with further additions and enlarge- 
ments well becoming so royal a majesty^, and suitable for the encourage- 
ment of so hazardous and chargeable an adventure. In pursuance whereof 
many of the said patentees and other adventurers transported tiiemselves 
and estates and settled in the most known and accommodable parts of 
those lands contained in tbe said charter, neither time, estate, nor power 
sulFering them speedily to survey the just extent of their limits. Not 
many years diffvirent in time several others also of his majesty's subject* 
obtained other giants, and made several settlements in the more northern 
and easterne jjarts of the country, with whom for several years we had 
neighbourly correspondence, being as they supposed without the limits of 
our patent, amongst whom the present claimers and petitioners were. 
These grants partly by reason of the smallness of some of them, and 
partly by reason of durke involv'd and dubious expression of their limits, 
brought the inhabitants under many intanglements and dissatisfactions 
among themselves, which there being no settled authority to be applied 
to, being deserted and forsaken of all such as by virtue of said grants did 
claim jurisdiction over them and had made a«uccessless essay for the set"' 
llement of government among them proved of some continuance, unto 
the great dis(|uiet and distuibance of those his majesty's subjects that 
were peaceable and well disposed amongst them ; to remedy which in-* 
convenience they betook thembcives to tiie way of combinations for gov 
yfnmcnt, but by experience found it ineHeclual. In lids lime ignoranoe- 
'.'/rihe nniiherlY ramrfn'^- of Merrimack river hindied cm- uCtual claim and 

P V 



306 APPENDI^t. 

extention of government} yet at length hein?!; more fully setded, iind ha^ 
iUi^ obtained fuither iicquaintancc and correspondency with the Indian' 
posticssing tlie uppermost parts of that rivi'c encouraging an adventure, as 
also frequent soUicUutions from the riost cnvi^fier..ble irihahi'arits of those 
eastern parts earnci>t!y dcL-irintj ns to inake^ircole of urid ascertain our in- 
terest, we imploycd the tnosl iip];;o\ed artisis that couiti be obuiinec!, who 
Ijpon their solemn oaths made leturns, Thot npon their ccviain obicrva- 
tion our northern jritent line ;lid extend so far nt-rth as to t: !.e in all tho'-e 
towns and places which, wc now possess ; which when the ivihiibitants as 
well as ouv selves v crc satisfied in (urged also wifh tlie necessity of gov- 
ernment amongst 'iicm) they peaceably and voluritarily subniiited to the 
government of the Massachusetts, (viz,) Dover, Squauibcot and Ports- 
mouth imno 1641, Kitteiy, York and Wells anno 1652 and 1653, from 
which tiuics nniii the year 1662, whei! -there was a small interruption by 
a letter of Mr. Ger;4-c, and afictuardh ivi the year 1G65, (when his uiajes- 
tyes commissioners. Colonel Nichols and others ctin)e over) the inhabi- 
tants of those parts lived well satisfied and uninterrppied under the Mas- 
sachusetts government. iiut when the said commissioners neither re- 
f^ardin'^ the ?tIassachuHctls just np;ht nor t!ie c!ain;s of h]v. Ciorf^e c;* 
Mr. Mason, seiiletl anew forme ol government there, but this hardly c-i.; 
lived their de;jurlure, the people impatient of innovations, and v>ell exi'c- 
rjCiced and suti^fie'l in their farmer settlemerit, quickly and quietly v(. 
turr.rd to order agam and s,y ct^niinue unto this irnie. This is in a lew 
woras the true state of the matter ; for the further ilhi^tri.tion vheicf-f 
^nd justification of our ];rccecdini^s therein .,nd vindication ofour selv<'. 
from the. reproachful iiiumtation of usurrinp; authority over his m?.jcsiir.. 
subjects in the crfsterne pans pretended to, with other scandals cast upo;. 
us by ti!e petitioners, vrc iiumbly pjesent tiie followlnt^ plcis byway of dc- 
monstraiiijn, and ar^uc that our extension of ;j;ovc)nnjcnt to tliose castein 
parts d.-imcd h ai^ree.^ble to our indubitable patent rip;ht ; our patent ac- 
cording to the express icrme therein contained without any am.bip,uity or 
colour of other iuter[jrelation, lyes betivecn /ti-o ccr.'-t and rjfii paralcl lines 
dra'wnfrcm the mof<t sout/icrly /lar-i of Charles rivcv ciKd ihe moat vorthcrlij 
fiart yjf Mtnbnacky ti'iih three mil ci,' adva?!nige tj/:cn each, which v^ion 
the observation of men of ar.provcd and undoubted truth upon oath, are 
fo'Tjj distant one degree and foity nine minutes north latitude beini; to ex- 
tend in 'ull latici:;le and b:eadth from sea to sea (ut in toruiinis) iT.d iheic- 
fore Oc>.;vnot be bounded by m.any hundreds or infinite numbers of lines, a* 
the river of Mcni.iiaciv maketh bends or angles in t\vo hundred jvdles 
passage from \V'ini[)csioke lake to the mouth thereof, which to inuigine, as 
it is irrational so v/ould it involve us and any borderer into so many iiiexti i- 
cat)le disjivites as are by no wayes to be admitted by a prince seeking his 
subjects peace. I'csides weie such a consiruclion allowab!^. (which with 
Uttermost streining. is) yet all favourable interpre'.ution is to be Oilered tiie 
patentees by the griicious expression of the charter. Now accoidii^.g to 
the afore mentioned observaiion (so confirmc") all those eastern I'lania- 
tions challenged by cur opponents (ut su[>ia) are com p'rchended within 
our northerly line. We deny not but the artiils of their selves, and if 
any question thence arise we leare not to submit to tryal to the most exact 
and rigorous test that ujay be. The invincible streni:ih of tliis our first 
pica may further appear by the conside ration ol' the fiivolons and in^ic^ni- 
ficant ailcgations of the petitioners in opposition th.crcunto, viz. ist. The 



APPENDIX. SOY 

tionexieniioji of oui" line or af'^cnion of our right to those eastern purts 
tor some years, ii^norancc as our c .se was circumbtancect at'burrin^, no 
man of his just rijjht, neither can it reasonably be supposed that tiie exnct 
survey oi so large h t^iant in so hedious a wilderness possessed by as tr.c- 
my would be the worke of a few yeares, our own poverty not affording 
means, and our weakness (aliowir,;^ no deep adventure into ti'.c country) 
pevmiitin$; us not to view the favour.tbIe running of the river, ^vnich none 
ean iaiagine ullered its '^ourse by our delay ; we may as well be deprived 
of iar more tlum we ,)os^se=.s or ever ^.iw on our westei""! p.-rts to xbe south 
sea (which nmie will deny) because we have not surveyed it or tre yoon 
Hks to be able, as betaken from our northern right so obvious to rtic 
meanest artist. 

2diy. The Possession-house in Hampton of so little si;j;nific. tion and 
so iong s'uv.a disused, tiiut Mr. Mason ^i tu ;'"i. r ■':'t the nanx thevcof and 
eal.eih it ijound-house, erected to give the wortd to know th.at we c' inied 
considerably l.) t!ie noitnward of olt Iirh iii;.i;atic ;.s uja-" the bay, though 
we did not knovv the utiertnost extent of our right, our fathers not Icing 
so i,:,i;orai!'. of the law o! t'le realme to which mey did appertain us to 
suppose the taking possession of part did debar them of the resnainder 
but the contrary ; and we cuaiieni<e Mr. Mason or any on his behalfe, 
promising our records shah beoiien to the most scrutinoi^s search to prove 
it, either called or intended acvoidiii;^ to his abuse there(;L 

Sdlvj That notorious i^lshood oi ::jtreichin.;, our right to near four hun- 
dred miics noith and south more then formerly we were satisfied with, 
our whole breadth bein^ but one hundred and nine mile, which is not 
much more then a quarter part of wh.t he would have the world !.c!ieve 
joiiv new claiine and (as he would insinudie) usuipcu territory dotlj con- 
ttin, arising (we would charitably believe) partly fn-tu ignorance of the 
coasli.^g of the country, Mr. Mason accounting by 'he sea-side, and we 
suppose coasting in the measure of every harbour and cove tu make up 
i'lir calculation, which lie:> much of it dv-a east and not to the north, b'lt 
Vij fear malevolently 3Ui-;jest;;d (as many other things as of little creciit) 
to introduce into his majestie his royal breast a beiiefe that we are un- 
reasonable in our pretentions, und so unst-orthy of his majesties favour, 
which wc hope such unlawful eivdeavours will never be so prospen- . as 
to obtain. What may bs fur'.hor added to this our first plea, may l.e sup- 
plisjd fiom the reasons former. y presented. We u: ge secondly, The in- 
validity of those grants pretended to by the peritioners, which are' of two 
sorts ; 1st. Such as bears date after ours, which we sec' no reason to 
fearc any interruption from. Secondly, Such, as are pretender to beare 
date before ours, agaiust which we object that they are not amhenlick, 
wanting a suTioient number of grantors to make them so, none of them 
as we presuuis will app^iare upon tryai having above six hands and seals 
annexed to tliem, the said council of New-Engiand consisting of forty, 
■tiud his majeViys grant to thein expressly requiring (as we are informed) 
se.en at the least to signe to make any valid act ; and indeed Mr. Ma- 
son's ovn ofieu unwearied renewal of his grants in i621, sixteen hundred 
twenty t.v), sixteen hundred tweu'y nine and 1635, (as he saith) taci.iy 
confiiiseth tiie same invalidity, in the former putting him to ch ags lor 
the latter, till at last he fell inlo such a trade of obtaining grants that his 
last and most ca;isiderable was si:-; years afce'r the grants of our charter 
i'-v a his majesty, ai:d biit three dayes before the said council'* decJar<i' 



;'^K)l|' 



APPENDIX. 



tion of their absoiutc resolution to resign, and but a few days t^efore their 
actual sum • .'f-r, as he asserts ; which of what value and consideration ;> 
is from t!v ■ nd council's circumstanced under a necessity of resign:.ticr; 
of their g" ^i charter, procured nuhcr by the clamour of such ill aficcted 
persons as \hc present complaint than by any true accompt of disseltlc- 
ment or ill management here, is not difficult to judge. Hence it ap- 
pears, first, how little reason Mr. Mason hath to brand us with fraud or 
aurreptitiousness in obtaining; our charter ; which halh most shew of 
fraud and surreptitious procuration, a sulBcieiit number of those honb'e 
persons subscribing ours and fewer his pretended ontidated grants, is easie 
to determine. In which assertion is to be observed the high refieciion 
cast upon the members of his late majesty and ministers of state, ground- 
lessly rendering the counsel's seal, yea the great seal of Ens. land, expo.sed 
to fraud and deceitful clandestine practices ; } ca upon his present majes- 
ty, insinuating himselfe better acquainted with matters of. state then he 
who allows and confirmes our grunt as authentlck by his gracious letter 
of sixteen hundred sixty t>vo, which intolerable boldness how unbecoming 
(not to say more) in a subject, it is not easie for us to say. To all which 
we may add Sr Ferdinando Gorges application to the authority here to in- 
terpose in his affair, which he, beinp: one of the great council, would have 
been far from acknowledging, had Mr. Mason's allegations been founded 
upon truth. 

Secondly, That articles of charge depending upon such illegal and post 
dated grants cannot take place against us weie their disbuiae as great as 
it is affirmed, which by eye witnesses upon the place and stiil living are 
proved comparitively very inconsiderable. 

3dly. We affirme that the whole management of the affiiir respecting 
our government of those eastern parts was in an orderly and peace;;ble 
way, and not without the reiterated and earnest soilicitation of mo>>t of the 
people there inhabiting, sufficiently appearing by their several petitions ; 
and wc challenge Mr. Gorge and Mr. Ma^on by any living evidence or 
record to shew any signe of a forceable entrance : Some majistt ates upor. 
the clearing of our right to them and acceptance of the tender of them- 
selves to us, being sent thither without any other force than each of them 
a servant to attend them. Indeed some years after Capt. Boniton for mu- 
tinous carriage was seized and brought to justice ; concerning which antl 
rnany other cases m;iny inhabitants yet living and eye wittnesses can givii 
the most impartial evidences. 

4'hly. We offer to consideration that the deserted and ungoveiuM stale 
of the people of those places had we not had that patent right so clearly 
evinced, might warrant our actions ; especially conridering the (;hli gallon 
Xipon us to secure jiis majesty's honour und maintain the pubiick peatCy so 
hazarded by the total want oi government; anicngst them. Our hrst ex- 
ercise of juri^diction being in tlie year lfi4!, ei.ght year alter C;.p. Nealc, 
ageiit for Mr. Mason, had whuly deserted the imi"rovement of lund and 
the government of the country, which inrlecd he never used but one year, 
ibr in the year 1630 he first came over, and in the year 1634 he ([uitted 
the phice ; and in the interim neglected iIjc san;e in making a voy..ge h r 
England, the short time of his tarriance not admitting; of settlcn:ent cf 
government or improvement. We may hcreu) subjoin that Mr. Joseph 
■TVIuson. ;.,L^cnt for Mrs. Auu Mason, when l.vic :nu all things werefreh!> 
in meusQiy, msr'c.no dexTtav.d ,Cfnitr,uijij^ <(/> w.hai h iift^im.ed, but |)eiii.ipi)j:^ 



(mf jusiice atijamst liis debtors there and elsewhere, and that Sr Ferdinan- 
do Gorges his grant being so mean and uncertainly bounded that he knew 
not well how to find much less to improve to considerable advantage, by 

his letter bearing date • doth devolve the whole charge and caro 

of his pretended province upon the authority here eitablished. Lastly, 
That the exercise of jurisdiction in those eastern parts hath been and U 
his majesty's honour, the people's ^reat benefit, and our charge witl ou^ 
proht, which had it noi been, the ruine of those parts would have unavoid- 
ably ensued in the want of all government, and their ficizure by the French, 
Avho ever waited a fit opportunity for the same. They have part of them 
for thirty five years and others twenty yeares (some small interruption in- 
tervening producing ths stronger inclination and resolution in them to b(? 
constant to his majesties authority here) lived under the governrnent of 
the Massachusetts a quiet, we!( oi dered and thriving people. And as for 
any co!r.piaint Irom ill aflected persons, it is well known that the best and 
wisest government is not v. ithout disquiet from some such ; and no won- 
der if siiiy people are soon affected with such fair glozing promises as 
Mr. Mason hath made and published, as it were determining the case be- 
fore tryal by his late letters to the inhabitants in those parts, and that our 
government in those places have been no gain is so unquestionable a truth 
that never was any levy laid upon them for the supply of the publick tieas- 
ury, tho' much hath been and is further like to be expended tor their se- 
curity, wno otherwise will inevitably become an easie prey to the heathen 
now in hostility with us, and at this present time rageing in those parts. 
The before writen is a true copy transcribed from the records of the 
general court of the late colony of the Massachusetts Bay, held by 
the governour and com.pany of the said colony att Boston, the 6tfe 
cf September, 1676. 

Examd. per ISA. ADDINGTON, Secry^ 

No. XV. 

At the Court at Whitehall, July 30, I67f. 
(L. S.) Present the King's most excellent Majesty. 
Lord Chancellor, E- of Craven, 

Ld Treaiujt-r, Ld Bp of London, 

Ld Privy Seal, Ld Maynard, 

Duke of Ormond, Ld Berkley, 

Marquis of Worcester, Mr. Vice Chamberlaifii, 

Ld Chamberlaii}, Mr. Secy Coventiy,,. 

Earl ot Northa-iiptnn, Mr. Secy Williamson, 

Earl of Peterborough, Mr. Chancellor of the Exche* 

Earl of Stratford, quer, 

E. of Sunderiand, Master of the ordnance, 

E. of Bath, Mr. Speaker. 

'^ WJTliEREAS the right honourable the lords of the committee foif 
y V trade and plantations, ciid in pursuance of an order ot the iTth of 
February hist make report to the board, of the matters in controversy be- 
tween tlie corporation of the Massachusetts Bay in New-England, and 
Mr. Mason and Mr. Gorges tcucnini^, the right of soil and government^ 
clainied by the said parties in certain lands there, by virtue of several 
grants from his majesty's royal father and grandfather as fo^loweth^ rjv 
XhQ^c, ^vorrh•, 



urn 



APPENDIX* 



^Tay it please your majesty, 

li'v-hig received your majesty's orc!rr in covmc 1; of the 7th of FebiHiur^r 
lasi f'^tst, whereby we are directed to etitcr into the examination of tho 
bonticls and limits which ilie corporation of the MasSi'cnuscttii ijay in N. 
E. on the one hand, and Mr. Mason and, Mr. Gorges on the other, do pre- 
tend by their several grants and patents lo have been assi,^ncd unto ihcni, 
as 'also to examine the patents and charters vvtiicu are insisted en by ei- 
ther side, in order to fintl out and settle how far the richts.oi soil and gov- 
lernmcnt do belong unto any of them In consideration whereof the lor:'.» 
chief justices ot your tnajciily'^ Courts of kirr^^'s bench and coniuion plc.'.s 
"were appointed to give u- their assistance, we did on the 5ih cf April last 
together with the s.Jd lords chif.f justices meet m obedience to your maj- 
e^lv's commands, and having- heard both parties by their council learned 
In the law, we did recommend unto their iord;d)ips to receive a state of 
the claims made by both puriieii, and to return their opinions upon the 
who'e matter unto lis, which their lordshipL h.ive accordingly perform.ed 
In the ^vords following : 

. In obedience to your lordships order wc appointed a day for the hcar^ 
jjig of ai parties, and considering the matters reiened, having received 
from them sucii papers of their cases as they were pleased to deliver ; at 
which time all parties appcriug, the respondents did disclaim tide to the 
binds claimed by tiiC pt;iitionerb, and it appeared to us that the si.jd lands 
are in tne ;^ossession of several oiiier persons not before us, whereupon we 
thought not fii: to examine uny ci.iims to the said landb, it bein;: (in ovi;- 
opinion) impioper to judge of any title of land wiihout hearing; of the icr- 
tenants or some other persons on their behcdf ; and if there be any course 
of justice upon the place hi^ving juiihdif.tion, we esteem it mos.t proper 
to direct the parties tu have recourse thither for the decision of any epic;- 
tion of property until it shall appear ihat there is just cause of couiplaint 
against the co'arts of justice thcie fov injustice or giievuncc. 

We did in the presence of said parties examine their several claims tQ 
ihe government, and the petitioners having waved the pretence of a grarti 
of government from the council of Plymouth, wherein they were convinc- 
ed by their c\yn council iha: no such power or j^'.l■i^d;ctr';n could be trans- 
ferred or assl;^;ied by any colour of law ; the ^jUcsti^n was reduc':d to tiie 
province of ^.lainc, whereto the petitioner ( lorges made !>is title by a giant 
f:om king Cnarlcs the first, in the loth year of his reign, made to hlv 
Fcrd. Gorges and his heirs of the province of Maine and t'le governmen- 
thercof. In answer to this ilic respoiidcntj? alledged that long before, 
■viz. in quarto Caroii primi, the government was granted lo them, and pnj- 
tluced copiv^s of letters patents wherein it is recited that the council of 
Plymouth having granted to certain persoris a territory thus described, 
viz. '• all that part of New England in America whicli lies and cxtencU be- 
** twcen a great ri*. er that is commonly calleil Monomack aliys Merrimack, 
'•' and a certain other river thei-c called Charles river, behig in t!ie bottom 
^» of a certain bay there called the Massachusetts Bay, and also all and sin- 
"gular tlie laiuls and hcreditanjcr.ts whatsover lyiisg and bcingwiiliiii the 
'*• space of three English Uiiies oti the south part of the said Charles river, 
'^or any or eveiy part thereof ; and alio all and singular the lands and lic- 
'M-cditam«'n;s whatsoever lying and being within the space of three Eng- 
fc'^lisii miiesiothe suiuherniost part uf the si.id (Tay called Massaclii.^cits 
^iiay; and all tlusc lands and bc'editamenls whatsoever which [lie] v.iili- 
v. in the space of llircc Engli.->h iT'.i!ts to t'ic i-c'-LwaiU of the baid vhit 



APPENDIX. Jjt:. 

''•vivcr called !^ronomaCk alias ?*jcn'iiriack, «r tlie northward of any arrt 
^'cvcrv pait thereof; and all lands and here<riaments whatsover lyim: 
'• within t!ie liir.its aforesaid, norlli ?.ud south in latitude and breadth, a^d 
" in K iigth and longitude of and within all the breadth aforesaiu th\ough- 
" out I he main lands there, from the Atlantic and Wesutn sea and ocean 
" nn the east part to the South sea on the west." By the said letters pa- 
tents the king- confirmed that grant, made them a corporation, and gave 
thcin power to n^:.ke laws for llie govei'ninij (;f the lands and the people 
tlioreln. To which it was replied that the paler.t of 4° Caroii primi is in- 
valid, (l) Because there was a precedent grant, 18° Jacobi, of the same 
thing then in being, which patent was surrendered afterwards and before 
the date of liie other, \j^ Car. prn:iu. (2) The grant of the government, 
can extend no faither than tiu' o\'Fnership of the soil, the boundaries of 
which as lecited in tiiat patent wholly excludes the province of Maine, 
which liey northward more thun thiee tniles beyond the river Merrimack. 
We having considered thebo matters do humbly conceive as to the first 
matter, thai the patent of 4° Caroii Imi is good n'/lwithstanding the grant 
mode in the iS° Jac : for it appeared lo us by the recital in the patent 4° 
Caroii inii thattheconncil of Piy.nouth had granted away theirall interj;stin 
the lands tlie year before, and it must be presumed they then deserted the 
government ; wiiercujion it was lawful and necet;sary for the king to estab- 
lish a suitable frame of .^•overnrnciu, accordingtohis royal wisdom, which was 
done ijy that patent, 4"^ Careli inu making the adventurers a corporation 
upon tiie place. As to the second niatter it seems lo us to be very clear 
that the grant of the government 4*' Caroii Imi extends no farther than the 
bouiidaiies expressed in the patent, and tiiose boundaries cannot be con* 
strued to extend further northwards along the river Merrimack than 
ihrce En;.^libh miles, for the north and south bounds of the lands granted 
sn far as the river extends are to follow the cours^c of the rivers whicli 
raake the breadth of the grant, the words describing the length to com- 
prehend all the lands from the Atlantic ocean lo the South sea ol and iu 
;.!i the !)reaath aioresiiid, do iwt warrant, the over reaching those bounds 
by imaginary lines or bounds, other exposition would (incur humble opin- 
ion) be unre;'.sonal>!c and against the interest of the grant. The words 
" of and in ail the breadth aioicbaid" siicw thst the breadth was not intend- 
ed an imaf',iiVAry line of breadth, laid upon the broadest part but the breadth 
rcspectin;'; the continuance of the boundaries by the nver as far as the 
rivers go, but when the known boundary of breadth determines it musv.be 
carried on by imaginary lines to the South sea. And if the province of 
Maine lies more nortiierly than three English miles fiorn the river Mer~ 
limacii, the patent of 4° Caroii Imi gives no right to govern there, and 
thereupon the patent of the same 15** Car. imi to the petitioner Gorges 
will be valid. So that upon the whole matter we are humbly of opinion 
as (o the pt)wer of government, tiiat the respondents, the Massachusetts 
Hud their successor^, by their patent of 4° martis 4°Caroli Imi have such 
right of government as i^ granted them by the same patent within the 
I^-oundaries of their lands expressed therein, according to such description 
and exposition as we have thereof made as aforesaid, and the petitioner 
Sir Ferdiiundo Gorges his heirs and assigns by the patent "d April, have 
such light of government as is granted them by the same patent within 
[l.h(f territ'iry'] called the province of Miiinc according lo the boundariei-; 
orthc sa'.'ne rxnrci^scd in the same patent. 

R-i. Rainsford, Fn\. Nerth 



All which being the opinion of the lords ciiief justices, and fully agrecr 
ing with what we have to report unto your majesty upon the whole mat- 
ter I'eferred unio us by the ssid order, we humbiy submit the detcrmina- 
tion thereof unto your majesty. 

Anglesey, Craven, J. Williamson, 

Ormond, H. London, Tho. Chickiey, 
Bath, G. Carteret, Edw. Seymour, 

Which having been read at the board the 18th instant, it Has then or- 
dered that the said Mr. Mason and Mr. Gorccs, as al&o that the agenih of 
the corpoiation of the Mabsachusetts Bay shf.uld he this day heard upcjn 
the said report, it they had any objections to make thereunto. In pursuance 
thereof all paities attending with tiieir council, Vv'ho not aliedging any 
thing so material as to prevail with his nuijcsty and the boaul to difier in 
judgment from the said report ; his majesty was thereupon pleased to 
approve of and confirm the same, and did order that all parties do ac- 
quiesce therein, and contribute what lies in them to the punctual and due 
performance of the said report, as there shall be occasion. 

JOHN NICHOLAS. 

JV. B. The aboxte fiafier ofivhich the copy U cttcntcd by JLdnvurd Rar.' 
ion secretary of Massachusetts^ and John Penhcdloiv clerk of the uiperior 
totirt of Keij-Hamfishire^ is in the files of the card sujicrior court^ and hi 
the jy^onian jiroprietary office. 

No. XVL 

Copy of that part of President Cutts's cotmvission in which the rlaim of 

Robert Mason is recited. 
4^ 4 ^^ 'vhereas the inhabitants of said province cf New-Hampshire 
t\. have many of them been long in possession ot several quanti- 
ties of lands, and are said to have made considerable improvements tl.ere- 
iipon, having no other title for the same than what has been derived fiom 
the govern;iient of the Massachusetts Bay, in virtue of their imaginary 
Ihie ; W'hich title, as it hath by the opinion of cur judges in England been 
altogether set aside, so the age>nts from the said colony have concuently 
disowned any right either in the soil or government thereof, liom liie 
Hife'e mile line aforesaid ; and it appearing to us that the ancestors of 
K i>?rt Mason Esq. obtained grants from our great council of Ply)uoulh 
for the tract of land aforesaid, and were at very great expcr.cc upon the 
same until molested and finally driven out, which hath occasioned a last- 
ing complaint for justice by the said Robert Mason ever since our resto- 
ration. However to prevent in this case any unteasonable den.ands which 
might be made by the said Robert Mason for the right he claimeth in the 
said soil, we have obliged tlie said Robert Mason under his hand and seal 
that he wilj demand nothing for the time jiast until the 2Uh of June last 
past, nor rnolest any in their possessions for the time to come, but will 
make out titles to them and their heirs forever, provided they will pay to 
him upon a fair agreement in lieu of all otiicr rents sixpence in ilu- pound 
according to the just and true yearly value of all houses built by •iicm and 
of all_ lands, whether gardens, orchards, arable, or pasture, which ha\e 
been improved by then., which he will agree shuil be bounded cut unto 
•very of the parties concerned, and that tlie residue may veir.ain iinto him- 
S.^lf tpbc disposed of for his best adsantago,. 



" But if notwUfjstanding this overture from the said Robert Masoa 
vvh'cU seemeth to be fair unto us, any of the inhabitants of the said pro- 
vince of New-Hampshire bhall refuse to agree with the agents df said 
Robert Mabon upon the terms aforesaid, our will and pleasure is, that the 
president and council of New-Hampshire aforesaid for the time being 
shall have power and arc hereby impowered to interpose and reconcile all 
differences if they can that shall or may arise between the said Robert 
j?.lason and the said inhabitants, but if they cannot then we do hereby co?n' 
maud and require the said president and council to send into England 
such cases fuirely and impartially stated, together with their own opinions 
upon such cases, that we, our heirs and successors, by and with the ad- 
vice of our and their privy council may determine therein according to 
enuM.y." 

,'V. JB. The same mit'ta^G mutandis is inserted in Cravfield's conimtssicn. 

No. xvn. 

To his most excellent majesty Charles the 2d, by the grace of God of 
England, Scotland, France and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, 8cc. 

The humble address atwl petition of the president and councill of his ma- 
jesty's province of New-Hampshire, in New-England, 
Humbly shcweth, 

TH \T it having pleased your most excellent majesty to separate us 
the inhabitants of this province from that shadow of your majesty's 
autliority and government under which wee had long found protection, 
especially in the late war with the barbarous natives, who (thro' divine 
protection) proved a heavy scourge to us, and had certainly been the ruin 
of these poor weake piantacons, (being few in number and otherwaies be- 
ing under great disadvantages) if our brethren and neighbours had not 
out of pity and compassion stretched forth their helping hand, and wiila 
their blood and treasure defended us, oxir lives, and estates ; nevertheless 
upon the receipt of your majesty's pleasure delivered by Edward Ran- 
dolph, esq. upon the first of January last, dueclins,' unto and commanding 
the erecting of a new government in and over these four townes the gov- 
ernment of the Massatusetts yielding readie obedience to your majesty's 
commands with reference to our relation formerly to them although deep- 
ly sensible of the disadvantages jikely to accrew to your majesty's pro- 
vinces and ourselves more especially, by the multiplying of small antt 
weake governments unfit either for offence or defence, (the union of 
these nei:^hbour collonnyca, having been more than a little instrumental 
in our preservation.) Wee have taken the oathes prescri'jed us by your 
majesty, and administered to your subjects of these four townes the oath 
of allegiance, and convened a general assembly for regulating the com-' 
mon affaires of the people and making of such laws as may be of more 
peculiar use to ourselves, having speciall regard to the acts for trade and 
naviiration sat forth in the booke of rates commonly printed and sold, and 
i/nome obstruction accationed by .i'uc/i a,<t 7rake i^-renie ftretences of your 
majesty's favour and authority had not hindered wee might have brought 
matters to a greater maturity, yet hope to perfect something by the first 
opportunity of shipping from hence, but feared it might be too lonrfj lo de- 
fer our humble ackcowlcdgment of your majesty's grace and favonr in 
committing the power into such hands as it plsasedyour majesty to nom- 
ynare, not impooin.g strangers upon us, and it much comforts ik agttinst 
Q q 



"^14 APPENDl?^'. 

i\uy fire Imded r Ui/ mers io our soil or zx\y malevolent sf ant a which may 
misrepresent us (as they have done others) unto your majesty or honor" 
able councill, while beside the knowne laws of the realm, and the undoubt- 
ed right of English men, wee have the favour of a gracious prince to fly 
to. \Ve do therefore most humbly begg the continuance of your majes- 
ty's royall favour and protection, without which wee are dayly liable lq 
disturbance if not ruinc , 

And as in duty bound vvee shall hpmbly pray, 8cc. 
JVIar.ch 29, 1680,. 



No. XVIIL 
To the kings most excellent majeslic. 

WEE the president and councill of your province of New-Hamp"- 
bhire having (according to the royal pleasure) given an account 
of our alleigiance and observance of your commission by Mr. vTowies in 
March last, and therefore shall not give you the trouble of repetition. Ac-^ 
cording to your majesty's command, wee have with our general assembly 
been considering of such laws and orders, as doe by divine favor preserve 
the peace and are to the satisfaction of yor.r majesty^s good subjects here, 
in all which wee have had a speciall regard to the statute book your maj- 
esty was pleased to honor us with, for which together with the scale of 
your province, wee returne most humble and hearty thanks ; but such 
has been the hurry of o\ir necessary occaoions and such is the shortness of 
the somer, (the only season to prepare for a long winter,j that wee have 
not been capeable of sitting so long as to frame and finish ought that wc 
judge worthie to be presented to your royal view, but shall as in duty 
bound give as speedy a dispatch to the affare as wee may. In the mean 
tinae your su!:>jects are at quiet under the shadow of your gracious pro- 
tection, fearing no disturbance unless by some Jireicndcd claimcrs to our 
soil, whom we trust your majesty's clemencie and ecjuity will guard us 
fi'om injury by ; 'dud co7isideriiig' the fmrchaiss of our lands from the heath'- 
cna the natural firofirietors thereof and our long quiet fiosssssion net inter- 
rupted by any Icgall clairne, our dejence of it against the barbarous adversa* 
ry by oi.r lives and estates^ v.'ce are encouraged that ivec shall he maintain- 
ed in our free erijoymenL of the some, nulUiout being teiiants to those nvho 
caji shew no such title ih<reunto. Further wee doe gratefully acknow- 
ledge the marke of your pi incely favor in sending us j'our royal efhgies 
and impeiiall armes, and lament when wee thinke that they are through 
the loss of the ship, miscarried by the way. And seeing youi" majesty is 
graciously pleased to licence us to crave what may conduce to the better 
promoting of our weal ai>d vQur majesty's authority, wee would humbly 
^p-gest whether the allo-va?ice cfa/i/ieales mentioned in the commission tnay 
not prove a great occasion by mcanes of malignant spirits for the obstruc- 
ting of justice among us. There are also sundry other things that a Utile 
time and experience may more evidently discover a great convenience, in 
which upon the conlineuance of the same liberty from your majcsiy wtc 
shall with like humilitic present. Thus craving a favourable construc- 
tion of what is above suggested and praying for your majesty's long and 
prosperous reigne, begging also the conlineuance of your majesty's favor, 
out of which-, if any of our adversarys under a pretence of loyally or 
zeale for your majesty's inlerist siiculd encleavour to eject us, wtc hop* 



APPENDIX'. 315 

4ipoii liberty granted us to speak for ourselves, wee shall aboundantly de- 
nibnstrate that wee doe truly and sincerely subscribe, 

Your majesty's most loyall and dutiful subjects. 
JOHN CUTT, President 
with the consent of the counciil. \ 
Portsmouth, in the Province of ^ 

New-Hampshire, June 11, 1680. 

No. XIX. 

Copy of the Mandamus by vjhkh Robert Mason, Esq. ivaa admitted to a 
neat in the council, Dec. 30, 16S0. 
Trusty and well beloved, We greet you wel. 

WHEREAS we have thought it fit to take into our special care and 
protection our province of New-Hampshire and provide for its 
prosperity and good government and the settlement of the estates and 
psssessions of our good subjects thore. And that for the avoiding any 
suits or contentions in matters of title, and the detei mining any demands 
which might be made by our w?l beloved subject Robert Mason, Esq. 
as proprietor under us of that province by vertu of a grant derived from 
«ur royal grandfather King James under the great seal of England* : 
Wee have so composed all matters with him that for the time past until 
the 21th day of June 1679, he shall not claim or demand any rent, d«e9| 
or arrears whatsoever : And for the future he, his heirs or assigns shall 
receive only six pence in the pound yearly of every tenant by way of quit 
rent, according to the true and just yearly valu of what is improved by 
any of the inhabitants { as is more fully expressed in our commission un- 
der our great seal, bearing date the I8th day of September in the 31st 
year of our raign. And whereas the said Robert Mason hath humbly sig~ 
nified to us that he is preparing to transport himself, for the taking cai'e of 
iiis affairs and interest in the said province, and for the giving a secure and 
legal confirmation of the estates of such per^ns as are now in possession 
buc without any right or legal title to the same. And he being a person 
whom wee have esteemed useful to our service, as he is chiefly concern-^ 
ed in the welfare of that our province ; wee have fiu'ther thought fit to 
constitute and appoint him to be one of our council therein, and we do 
hereby order and require you our president and councill, that imfncdiately 
after his arrival you do admit him one o£ our council of our province of 
New-Hampshire, be first taking the oaths mentioned in our said com- 
roission. And we do further require you and him, that ^ ou do betake 
yourselves to such discreet and equitable ways and methods in your pro^ 
cec iings, agreements and settlements for the future, that there may be no 
ocL :V,-Jon of complaint to our royal person and authority here. We being 
rioryjived to discountenance all such as shall wilfully or unnecessarily avoid 
cr delay your submitting to tliose determinations which may be reasona- 
biy decreed according to jusiice and good conscience. Which you are to 
signify to all our good subjects vithia our said province that they may 
govern themselves accordingly. And so we bid you heartily farewell, 
(liven at o\ir court at New-Market the first day of October 1 680, in th^ 
two and thirtieth year of cur rai^^n. By his maicbtv's command, 

"SUNDERLAND, 
Xo our trusty and well beloved the president and council^ 
of our r.iovince of New-Hampshire in New-England. ) 
^'yhis TP.ust mean the chartp- ^o tJie 9QuncU of PJvip.outlj . 



^16 APPEKDlXs 

No. XX. 

Anaivcr fo the elaim made by Bfr. Mason to the. houses and tdnxis of jYtw'- 

Hamfishire. 
[//I Mr. Wearers hand wriilng; but without date or signature. ~\ 

IT does not legally appear that Mr. Mason can lay any just claime to 
any of the lands in New-Ham pshit-e, for what right he pretends is ei- 
ther derived from Capt. Jno. Mason, (whom he says was his grandfather) 
or from his majesty's commission : But presume from neither of these 
lias he any right. Not from Capt. Jno. Mason ; for, (l) It does not le;j;aily 
appear that ever he had any right to the province of New-Hampshire. It 
is true there is a copy of a pattent or deed from the councell of Plymouth, 
vvhicli he brings over without attestation of publique notary or any other au- 
thority. Besides in said coppy there is not the least intimation of any hand 
or scale to the originall, and there is two men that swears this is a true 
coppy of the original], which plainly demonstrates that the original! is but 
a blanck ; the truth whereof we are the more confirmed in, because it is 
Hot rational to imagine that Mr. Mason would come from England to pros- 
ecute a right and not bring with him what he had to make good his claime ; 
but having nothing but blancke coppies, he could bring i.o better than he 
hid, which cannot be looked upon as authentique in any court, 

(2) If it should be supposed that ever Capt. Jno. Mason had a right by 
pattent, yet it does not ixppa.w how Robert Tufton Mason (as the plantiffe 
calls himself) derives a title from him either as his heir, cxeeutor or ad.? 
j-ninistrator, or by deed of gift ; all that we can hear in court is that the 
plantile calls himfteif Capt. Mason's heir. 

(3) If the plantiffe oi- his ancestois ever had a title to the lands he claims 
by pattent from the councill of Plymouth, yet they have lost it by non use, 
for they never attended the ends of granting patents by king James, ot blesf 
sed memory, in his hyness pattent to the great councell of Plymouth, 
ivhich was the peopling of the lc>nd,inlaigeing the king's don^inions, prop- 
agating the gospel, conversion of the heathen the native proprietors, Sec. 
No'v the piantife nor ancestors ncvM' planted this province nor expended 
any thing upon it to the upbo'ding of it in peace nor war, but the present 
inhabitants did either by themselves or predecessors, purchase their 
possessions from the natives, and by their permissioii did sit down upon 
the land and manured, to the vast expence of above 50 years time in hurd 
labor, and expending upon it their whole est.-ite. And in the laic Indian 
war did defend it against the enimy to the loss ot many of their lives and 
consiuerabie part of their estates, without any assistance from Mr. Mason 
■«vho now claimes not only whit poor people have purchased and laboured 
hard upon, but also conquered or reli'-ed from cruell attemj;ts of the bar* 
barous heathen, and we conceave we were under no obligation to run such 
lulventnrcs to make omselves slaves to Mr. Mason. 

(4) It does not appear that there was a quorum of the great councell 
of Plymouth to the making of Capt. Mason's deed according to the p<^t- 
tent granted to the great councell of Plymouth, which renders his claime 
unvalide, if ever any thing in that kind was done, which we question. 

From what is said we humbly conceave Mr. Mason has no right from 
Capt. Jn(j. Mason. 

And that his majcstic's commission does neither give nor confirmc any 
dtle to the kmdr. ciaimcd, we prove ; 



APPEsrmx- Jit 

(1) We humbly conceavethat bis royal majesty who w so prudent a 
prince and so boiicitus for the peace of his subjects, would not have teft 
that matter doubtfull to his subjects of this province but rather have told 
us that he had given all the lands to Mr. Mason, but there is nothing ot" 
gift to aim in the commission and if his majestxj had (which we cannot be- 
lieve he would) we should crave the benefit of the statute in the 17° of 
Clvu-Ies the hist, which says, No king and councell can alienate lands but 
by due course of law. But wee were never yet heard, and when it comes 
to le^al tryal wee presume the law of possessions will confirm our lands to 
us, seeing we have had peaceable possession 50 yeares. 

(2) If his majesty bad given the lands in the province to Mr. Masotl} 
what can be understood by that claus* in the commission ' That in case 
the inhabitants siiall refuse to agree with Mr. Mason, then the governor 
shall interpose and reconcile all dilTerences if he can, but if he cannot then 
to send the case, fairely stated to England that his ir.ajesty and privy 
councell might determine according to right ;* which wee humbly con- 
ceave puts a barr to any legal proceedings until his majesty's mind be 
further known therein. The inhabitants have offered their reasons to the 
governor according to commission, which he will not admit of, only did 
take of ope, viz. Capt. Stileman, and promised to send them to Englandi 
but we can hear ol no answer and much fear his neglect. 

(3) His majesty in his commission says, ' To present unreasonable de- 
m::ind^ that may be made by Mr. IVlason for the right he claimes,' which 
claime may prove good or bad when it comes to tryall. We understand 
to cli.iir.e and to have are diifcient things. 

(4) His majesty intimates in his royal commission by what title Mr. 
Mason does claime, viz. by a grant to his ancestors, ' who improved and 
pohsesst-ci the province with great expcnce, until molested and finally driv- 
en out ;' but this province cannot be concluded to be the place he claimes 
unlil he uivike these circumstances appear, which we are sure he never 
can doe. 

Now Mr. Mason not producing any original deed for any of the lands of 
this province, nor authentique copies, the inhabitants cannot make any 
cou,oiiauce with hiia both because we see no right he ever had, or believ- 
ing if ever any was he hath mortgadged it already in England, and so alien- 
ated what right i)e l\ad, 

Aitho»u;h upon the former grounds we have good plea against Mr. Ma- 
son'? cliiine, yet we did not see cause to join issue, not only because judg- 
es and juior^ were not qualified according to law, all of them being pickt 
for espousing Mr. Mason's interest by the governor's order, who has a 
mortgadge for 21 yeares from Mr. Mason for all the lands in the province. 
But also because wee was willing to attend the methods prescribed by his 
majesty iu his royal commission. 

No, XXI. 

The answer of Elias Stileman to the summons from the honble Edwai*d 
Cranfield, esq. governor of his majesty's province of N. Hampshire in 
N. E. in pursuance of the method which his majesty hath been gra- 
tiously pleased to prescribe in his commission. 

Portsnio. the i5th of November, 1683. 
May it iilease your Honor, 

IN obedience to your command that I should render a reason why I re- 
fuse to pay quit-rent unio Robert Mason, esq. (as he titles himself) for 



SIS APPENDr^. 

my housC'Siul lantfe, nnd take deieds from him for iLe coii&rming of iiic 
same, I answer as folioweth : 

Istly. Because my said land I bouc^ht and paid for. The title uRto 
■which is s\icces^ivcly derived unto me fi-om those that ha've possessed it^ 
without any claime for at least these 50 yeares, up)on which I have built 
at itiy own charge without any interrujjjion, and am m the possession 
thereof as my owne. As to what is said in the commission concerning- 
Mr, Mason's proprieters, with all due submission to his majesty, I con- 
ceive it imploys rather his claime than a positive determination of his title. 

2dly. I humbly conceive that being in possession of what I have boi>ght 
and built upon, it rests upon the claimer to nvake out his title (if he have 
any by law}, begging the favour of an Eughsh subject therein, that it may 
be first ti-yed upon the place, according to the statute law aiKi the opinion 
of his majesty's judsves in England, and this before I am liable to pay quit- 
rent and take dec^ds of confirmation from him. 

odly. Should Mr. Mason obtains his demands, myself and thp rest of 
the inhabitants would be undone forever, for then all his granted to him 
which hoe calls commons being out of fence, which yet hath been bound- 
ed out by the several towns and possessed b y them for therse 50 yeares, 
and improved for the nraiatainance of their cattle both winter and summer, 
and for timber and five wood, without which there is no liveing for us, it 
being impossible for us to subsist upon that which in the commission is 
called gardens, orchards, tf he may have the disposal of the rest 

4thly. The said Mason speaks of many thousands of pounds expended 
upon the place, which with submission cannot be made out, and if it could, 
what then have the poor planters expended in so many yeares labour since 
their first sitting downe upon it, when they found it an howling wilder- 
ness and -vMcuum dornicilium^ besides a great expence of blood and estate 
to defend it in the late Indian warr, nor can they to this day make both 
ends meet by all their labour and frugality, and therefore must needs sink 
lUKler the exaction of Such a propriator. 

5thly. The land which Mr. Mason claims as propriator is the land on 
which such vast expence hath been laid out by his grandfather Capt. John 
Mason, for the peopling ofit and the land from whence his said grandfath- 
ers servants were violently driven out, or expeled by the inhabitants of the 
Massathusets, but upon this land there was no such expence laid out by liis 
e;randfather Captain John Mason for the end aforesaid, nor is this the land 
from whence any servants of his said grandfather were so expelled, and 
therefore M'e that arc possessed of this land are ncn concerned in his claime, 
hec hath m-tstaken his province and may endeavour to find it sonte other 
where, for here is no such place. 

6thly. If Mr. Mason ha^d a patent l>ere, why did he not take possession 
in the day thereof If hec were in possession why did he not keep it siill : 
None ever drove him out as he informs, had hee been once settled he 
might to this day have kept it as the test of the inhabitants have done with- 
out the least moUistation, but lam humbly of opinion iliat if he the said 
Mason or any of liis ayres came hither, they only came as many ships did 
io Newfoundland and to this countrey to make a fishing voyadge or beaver 
trade, and that being at an end departed and left their room to the next 
taker. 

This is the sum me o^" wh?t I have at present to answer, humbly re- 
9upsting of vour honour the stat'ng of the case, with your o^^inion th^rfeup-: 



APPENDIXi ' 319 

fljii to Tiis nrSJ€4Ly as ihe commission directs, and wiien iiia rtiajcst}' shall 
in his wisdom and jusiice see meet to order an hearing of ths maUer in 
his courts of judicature upon the place before a jury of uninterested and 
indiffeicnt persons which may be had out of the neighbouring province, 
{and possibly Mr. Mason may think not attainable in this province where- 
in all persons are concerned,) as he hath been pleased to doe by that part 
of Mr, Mason's claime, which lyes under his majesty's government of 
Massathuscts, I hope to be able upon these and other grounds so far to 
make (vul my title as to be held unblameable before God and man, for not 
complying with his demands. Or if I should see cause to appeal to his 
majesty and honorable councell that I shall be put beyond all need of pay- 
ing quit rent to the pretended proprietor. 

Thus begginge your honor's favour, I subscribe, 
Sir, your humble servant, 

E. S. 
•[The ivjo ^irecedir.^ pajier.s ar^ in the hand of the hoji- Preddent ^Veare.^ 

No. XXII. 

,Co/iL/qfan Qrdcr for the adminiatration of the eacraraents according Iq the 

mode of the church of Kngland. 

Atacouncel held at Great Island, December 10, 1683. 

By the governor ajid councel. 

New-IIampsh. 

IT is hereby required and commanded, that all and singular the cespec-: 
tive ministers within this province for the time being, do from and ai- 
ter the first day of January next ensuing, admit all persons that are of suit- 
able years and not vitious and scandalous in their lives, unto the blessed, 
sacrament of the Lord's supper and their children unto baptism. And 
if, any persor^s shall desire to receive the sacrament of tlie Lord's supper, 
or their cluldren to be baptized according to the 'iturgy of the church oi 
England, ;.hat it be done accordingly in pursuance of the laws of the realm 
of England, and his majesty's command to the Massachusetts government: 
And if any ininister shall refuse so to do being thereto duly required ht; 
shall incurr the penalty of the statutes in tliat case made and provided, an^I 
.ahc inliabitants are freed from paying any duties to the said minister. 

The aforesaid order was published, 
R. CHAMBERLAIN, clerk conciX 
[TJii&.fiiiJnr is in the council minutes, second dook.^ 

No. XXIII. 

Co/iy of the information ugainsl Mr. Moody, 1683. 
Nov,'-Hampshire in New-England. 
'^^o Walter Barefoot, Esq. judge of the court of pleas of the crownc, &c> 
now situng at Great Island. And to Nathaniel Frier and Henry Greens 
Eiiqrs. assistants. 

The information of Joseph Rayn his majesty's attorney gcsieral for 

,the said province of New-Hampshire, agiunst Joshua Moody of Ports- 

. mouth in the said province, dark, iu his said majesty's behalfo. 

"/'•I "^ HE said Joiieph Rayn infornieth, that the abovesaid Joshua Moody 

;3l being the present minister of the towne of Portsn\outh aforesaid, 

wit |-.iii the dominions of our soveieign lord Charles the second, king of 

Entja'u'., is by the duty of his place jsnd the laws and statutes of tlic realme 



320 APfE-NDtX. 

of Eng'kiiil, '(vii?- the statute made in the fifth and sixth of King £,dwa(tl 
the sixth, and the stat. of the first year of the raign of the late queen E- 
lizabeth, which is confirmed by the statute made in the thirteenth and 
fourteenth year of the raign of our sovereign lord king Charles the second) 
J-equired and commanded to administer the sacrament of the Lord's sup- 
|5er in such manner and forme as is set forth in the book of common 
Jirayer and administration of the sacraments and other rites and ceremo- 
nies of the church of England, and shall use no other manner or forme 
then is mentioned and set forth in the said book. Nevertheless the said 
Joshua Mootly in contempt of the said laws and statutes hath wilfully und 
obstinately refused to administer the sacrament of the Lord's supper ac- 
cording to the manner. and forme set forth in the said book of common 
prayer, unto the honble Edward Cranfield, esq. governor of his majesty's 
said province of New-Hampshire, Robert Mason, esq. proprietor, and 
John Hinks, esq. of the said province ; and doth obstinately and wiifully 
use some other forme then is by the said statutes ordained, contiary 
to the forme thereof: Therefore the said Joseph Rayn in behaif of our 
sovereign lord the king, doth pray, That the said Joshua Moody being 
thereof convicted according to law, may suffer such penalties as by the 
said Stat, arc made and provided in that case. 

No. XXTV. 

Copif of a setond infoi'mation against JMocdy, 
New-Hampshire in New-England. 
To the honble Walter Barefoot, esq. judg of the co\:rt of pleas of the 

crown and oiher civil pleas, held at Great Island,^ and now sluing this 

6th Feb. 16§^|, &c. 

The inibrmation of Joseph Rayn his majesty's attorney general for 

the said province, in his m.ajesty's behalf against Joshua Moody of 

Portsmoi th, dark. 

'HE RE AS the said Joshua Moody hath in open court of the quarter 
sessions of the peace held at Gr. Island aforesaid upon record, 
confessed and owned before the Justices, That he hath administered the 
sacraments contrary to the rites and ceremonies of the church of England, 
and the form prescribed and enjoined by the statute made in the first year 
of the late queen Elizabeth, and so stands convicted of the said olfencc 
before the justices at the said sessons ; Joseph Rayn his majesty's attor- 
ney general for the said province, who prosecutes for our sovereign lord 
the king doth (iccording to the ancient law of tlje statute made in the for- 
ty second year of the raign of king Edward the "d, now in force) in his 
majesty's behalf, exhibit his information to this hon. court against the said 
Joshua Moody, for that he having for many years had the appearance and 
reputation of a mijiister of God's word in the said province, being within 
the king's dominions, and having wilfully and obstinately refused to admin- 
ister the sacraments according to the rites of tlie church of England, hath 
administred the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's supper m otlier 
manner and form than is appointed and commanded by the statute of the 
first of queen Elizabeth and other statutes, contrary to the form 
thereof and in contempt of his majesty's laws : And doth pray the court's 
judgment and that the said Joshua Moody may suffer the pcmtkies by ihc 
said statute in this case made and provided.- 



APPENDIX. 821 

No. XXV. 
New-Hampshire in New-England. 
To James Sherlock, gert. prov. marshal and sheriff of the said province, 

or his deputy. 
N his majesty's name you are hereby required forthwith to tuke and 
apprehend the bony and person of Joshua Moody of Portsmouth in 
the said province, dark, and carry him to the prison of Great Island in 
the said province ; and the prisonkeeper, Richard xvbbct, 's hereby re- 
quired to receive him the said Joshua Moody and keep him in safe custo- 
dy in the said prison, he havintj bin convicted of udi/Jfuslring- the Lucra^ 
7iieni.s contrart/ to the laws and statutes of England, and refusing to ad- 
?ninistcr the sacramerjs according to the rites and ceremonies of the church 
of England^ and the form enjoined in the said sta'utes. Thei'e to remain 
for the space of six months next ensuing, without bail or mainpiize. 
Fail not. 

Dat. thefiUiofFeb. 163|. 

WALT. BAREFOOT, (Seal.) 
PETER COFFIN, (Seal.^ 

HEN. GREEN, (Seal.) 

HEN. ROBY, (Seal.) 

Vera copia, 
Teste, Ricl do Chamberlain, C'.ro P. 

[Ths three [ireceding }iaiier.i are in the Recordn-'s office?^ 

No. XXVL 

Co/iy of an order for raising money xvithout an assembly. 
New -Ha nip. 

At a councel held at Gr. Island, Feb. 14, 168|, 
By the governor and councel. 
"HEREA5 we have lately had intelligence by a letter from Capt. 
Hook to Capt. Barefoot one of the councel of this his majesty's 
province, that he had advice from the captain of the fort at Casco of a sud- 
den rising and onset intended by the Indians upon the English at the east- 
ward : And whereas the iissembly have been lately tendred a bill for rais- 
ing a revenue for ihe fortifying and defending ourselves against his maj- 
esty's enemies, did absolutely refuse and reject the sanie without giving 
any reason for so doing, or preparing any other for defruying the charge 
of the public service. We his n»ajesty's governor and councel finding the 
public irci'.sniyso empty and bare that there is not somuch money as to pay 
a single nies^enger ; and those persons that are the support of the 
province have not estates to s\ip;)o.t themselves in the war (if any 
should happen) without due payment for their service in consideraticn 
of the premises, by virtue of his njajesty's royal commission bearing dvitc 
the nineth of May 1683, and also of his maje^-ty's royal instructions to the 
gQvernr,r bearing date the 29lh of April 1682, have, for the raising a rev- 
enue for fortifying and defraying the necessary charges of the government, 
tiial there nr.iy be a magazeen of ammunition and pro\i3icn, and of money 
to pay iudigcnt souldiers, as also for such emergencies as a war necessari- 
ly produce, thought lit to continue, and do hereby coiuinue all sucli taxes 
and impo:iiiioi>s as have been formerly laid upon tlie inhabitants (except- 
ing only the lutc of th»^ penny in t!ie pound raised in time of usurpation 
ij'ithuat a ijen;;ral asa^mblv) eommanUinjj and resinvjnjj all and '•incuiu;,' 
' R^ 



S22 APPENDIX. 

the constables and collectovs forthwith to peiform then' duty hi levjing anS 
collecting the same, and paying it in to the treasurer. 

No. XXVII. 
Cofiy of a letter from the council to Governor Dimgan. 

Prov. of New-Hampshire, Mar. 21, 16s|, 
Sir, 

By several advices we have received of a sudden rising intended hy t'le 
Indians in these eastern parts to fall upon the English, we jutV^^'i it 
absoUUely necessary without delay to provide for the safety and prc^c va- 
tion of his /najesty's subjects inhabiting this provir.ce, u.nc! to L,ive fc'eef 
(if need be) to oin i!ei;-iibounng colonies. \Ve have therefore, upcti con- 
sideration of the best meuns for the securing of fhe-;e province.^ conc'.xled 
it ve y necsasary to entcituin a nunibcv of southern Indians for sculdieis, 
who are be^t acqu..iateu with the n-Uinti- ci these Indians sku ';ing fi^ht ; 
and tliis being a tvork of hietij and churiii, for preventing Uie eflusioij of 
christi.n blood : And knowing that your honor has an influence upon the 
soulhern IndiLins our honourabie governor was wiiiing to take the trouble 
upon himself of a j-urney to New-York to treat with your honor for send- 
ing of such a nuniber of Mahiquas, or other Indians, as may be con\eni- 
ent to assist in this service, and to make such capitulations and agreeiv.ent 
as to his hu.)ov shall seem reasunabie. Wc doubt not your honor's readi- 
ness in any thin'^ that may tend to his maje-ity's service and the safety of 
his subjects, having f»ften heard a nobie characler of your honor from our 
governor, whom \^e luive intreated to present our letter with our most 
humble service. We have commiued all matters to his honor's prudence 
and management and what his honor shall judg fit to be done we shall see 
performed. So praying for your honor's health and prosperity, we sub' 
scribe ourselvs, fbeing his majesty's council of Nevv-PIampfchire) 

May it please your hon your most hunil)!e ser- tints, 
To the honble Col. Tiio. Dongan, "^ ROBt. iMASON, 

governor of bis royal highness | WALTER BAREFOOT, 

iiis colony of New-York, and 5> R. CHAMBERLAIN, 

the territories thereto belong- j ROBt. ELLIO'i", 

ing, humbly present. J JOHN HINKS. 

["77ze two preceding Jialicrs are in the council' h 7!iinulfs, second Zoo^'.J 

No. XXVIII. 
To the king's most excellent majesty. 
The humble address and petition of sundry of your majesty';, loyal subjects 
the freeholders and habitants of your majesty's province of New-Hamp- 
shire in New-En giant^, 
Must humbly sheweth, [From the townc of Exeter. 

THAT your petitioners pred-ecessors having under the encouragement 
of your majesty's royal ancestors by their ietvcrs patents to the great 
council of Plymouth, removed themselves and some of us into this remote 
and howling wilderness in pursuance of the glodous ends proposed, viz. 
The glory of God, the enlarging his majesty's dominions, and spreading 
the gospel among the Iseathen : y\nd in order thereunto either found the 
land wc now po -ssess x'aci^i.m domiriliun:, or purcha-icd then) of the heath- 
en the native proprietors of the same, or at least oy their allowance, ap- 
probuccn or consent, Ii:ivc sate downe in the peaceable possesblon of the 



AlPPENDIX. Ms 

same for the space of above fifty years ; hoping thai as wee had attended 
the ends, soe 'vee should have shiued in the priviled5:;es of tho.,e -»yal let- 
ters patents above nieiiconcd, and thereupon did the more patioiuiy beare 
and cheaiehiliy-grap'e with those innu.nerubie eviis ;.ind difficulties that 
must necessarily dccoivipany the settiei's of new plant icons, especially in 
such climates us t'.iese- besides the calamicies of the laie Indian warr to 
the loss of iuany of our lives, and the great impoverishment of the surviv- 
ors. Wee were aisoe further incourat^ed from your majesty's princely 
care in takeini;- us by your late commission under your majesty s imme- 
diate i^overauient, and ap oonitin;^ s^.ne a:non;j; ourselves to govern us ac- 
cording to t )osc metiiodu there prescribed, being particularly bound to 
discountenance vice and promote viitue and ail good living, and to keep 
us in a due obedience to your majesty'b authority and continuance of our 
just lil)eityes and propertyes, together with liberty of conscience in mat- 
ters of worshipp, and all in order to our livemg in all godliness and hon- 
esty, fearing God and honouring the king, which wee profess to be our 
desire to dec. 

Bui contraiiwise partly by the unreasonable demarids of our pretended 
proprietor Robert Mason, esq. and partly from sundry other reasons that 
are either effects or concomitants thereof wee are in a fair worse condi- 
tion than any other your majesty's plantacons, and reduced to suc'.i confu- 
sions and extremities that necessitate our humble application to your maj- 
esty, \ipon whose clemency and justice only under God we depend for our 
veieife. 

Your jjoor distressed and oppressed petitioners doe therefore most hum- 
bly supplicate your most gracious majesty that you will vouchsafe to give 
leave unto one of ourselves, Mr. Nathaniel Weare, whom wee have sent 
for that end to spread before your sacred majesty and your most honoura- 
ble privy councell our deploreablc estate, the beholding of which we doubt 
not will move compassion towards us, and your majesty's propensity to 
ju:itice wii! incline to the using such meanes as to your wisdom shall seem 
best tivat the oppressed may be relieved, wronged ones righted, and we 
your niajesty's almost undone subjects now prostrate at your feet, may up- 
on the tastcing of your equity and goodness, be raised and further engag- 
pd in all humility and thankfulness as in duly bound evermore heartily t^ 
pray, &c. 

Andrew Wiggin, David Robinsonj 

Thomas Wiggin senior, Kinsley Hall, 

Thomas Wiggin junior, Bily Dudley, 

Robert Smart sciiior, James Sinkler, 

John Young, Christian Dolhoffs 

John Foulsham, Philip Charte, 

Edward Smyth, Jeremiah Low, 

Peter Foulsham, Ralph Hail^ 

Thcophilus Dursely, Samuel Hall, 

Richard Morgen, John Sinkler, 

Samuel Lcavitt, John Wadleigh, 

John Cotton junior, Samuel Foulsham, 

John Oilman senio'/, Eieazer Elkins, 

Edward Oilman, Ephraim Foulsham, 

Moses Lcaveitt, Humphrey Wilson, 

Jonathan Robin-^.o'i, Nathaniel Faulsham, 

■Fhomo.s Hawlinp, Jonathan Thing. 



S^4 



APPENDIX. 



The like petition from the town 
ed by, 

Nathaniel Bachiler, 
John M. tsion, 
James Pi^ilbiick, 
Jacob Browne, 
Tiionias Browne, 
Henry Lamper, 
Jcr.othan Wedgwood;, 
Henry Moiilion, 
Joan Muulion, 
Josep!i Smith, 
David vVedgwood, 
Jujncs Cb.etise, 
James Perkins, 
JNlorris Hobbs senior, 
Joseph MouUon, 
Beiijiiir.in M-.ulton, 
Thomas Levitt, 
Tliouiaj Derboine, 
John Levitt, 
Henry Derbornc, 
Ar.itus Levitr, 
Christopher Hussey^ 
John Tnci, Cv 
John Sniiih, 
Thoinu.0 Page, 
Phi'jp Towie, 
Jo iiah Sunbournc, 
VvTiiiam Sanbourne senior,, 
Ruiii Jolmron, widow, 
RIcharci Sanbourne, 
Thoi-n.^s Walker, 
Isaac Godfrey, 
HiunpJirey Perking,, 
David Lamprey, 

The like petition from Portsm 
George Hunt, 
Peter Bull, 

John Sherborne senior, 
Samuel Wentworth, 
Sp. Lovell, 
Kichard Webber, 
TJichard VYalerhouse, 
WiUiam Duveil, 
John Cotton, 
Coiomart Mashawcg^ 
John Bavbhani, 
John Shipivay, 
John Jol.nson, 
Jol'.n Slicrborne junior^ 
Th.cnuis Pickeiin, 



of Hampton In the ^aid province sign-> 

Benjamin Lauyre, 
William Fuller, 
John Sanbourne, 
Hesron Leavitt, 
Samuel Shuerborne, 
Francis Page, 
Peter Weare, 
Benjamin Browne, 
Tliomas Philbnck, 
Timothy Blake, 
Jaceb Perkins, 
Jonathan Phiibrock, 
Ebenezer Perkins, 
Caleb Perkins, 
Joseph Perkins, 
Joseph Dow, 
John Clifibid senior 
Samuel Pliiibrook, 
Joseph Shaw, 
John CUtfovd, 
Benjamin Shaw, 
Samuel Cogg, 
Timothy Hillyard, 
Anthony Stanyan,- 
John Stanyan, 
Joseph Sanbourne, 
Isaac Perkins, 
Ivioscs Sweit, 
Joseph Swett, 
Joseph Cass, 
Duel Clemens, 
Samuel Cass, 
Joiui Sanbourne senioi*. 



outh in said province, signed, hy^ 
Thomas Wacombc,. 
Obadlaii Mors, 
Nicholas Morrell, 
Samue! Keais, 
John Dennett, 
Jolm Tookc, 
Edward Melcher, 
George Lavers, 
Jacob Lavers, 
John Brackett, 
Matthius Haynes, 
Samuel Haines, 
Samuel Haines junior, 
William Fiiiekl senior* 
Walter Neal, 



APPENDIX. 



HfB 



John Ligbt, 
William Pitmai, 
James Jones, 
William Cotiotn, 
James Levitt, 
Jethro Furber, 
Edward Ball, 
Thomas Cotton, 
Daniel Dug^en, 
Francis Jones, 
John Partridge, 
Robert Purinton, 
Neiiemiah YartridgCj 
Jotham Lewis, 
Anthony Brackett, 

The like petition 
Job Clesi ents, 
Thomas Roberts, 
Edward Alien, 
William Furber senior, 
Henry Santer, 
Richard Rowes, 
Anthony Nutter, 
John Dam, 

William Furber jtmior, 
John Dun junior, 
John Nutter, 
Thomas Row, 
Edwaid Rbw, 
John Meadow, 
Philip Che; iey, 
Joseph Stc', enson^ 
Thomas Chcsley, 
Joseph Hinnedei'f 
Stephen Jones, 
Edward Small, 

Nathanael « 

James HucUing, 
Cathaiios Jerlld, 
Ezekie! Wentworth, 
Joseph Fields, 
John Bickford, 
Thomas Bickford, 
Thomas Edgeriy, 
John Hill, 

\_From a co/iy in the 



Leonard Week^ 

Nathaniel Drak«) 

John HunRing, 

Richard Joses, 

Jane Joses, 

John Fieicher, 

Richard Martyn, 

Ph. Sueret, 

Richard Waldron, 

Ben. Hull, 

John Cutt, 

William Vaughan, 

George Jaffreys, 

John Pickering, 

John B Ulster, 
from the towne of Dover, signed by 

Charles Adams, 

Paul Wentworlh, 

Gerard Gyner, 

Jenkins Jones, 

Joseph Canne, 

Richard Waldroxij 

John Winget, 

John Geribh, 

William Wentworth^ 

John Heard, 

John Roberts, 

John Hall, jun. 

Robert Burnum, 

Saml. Burnum, 

Jeremiah Burnum, 

Samuel Hill, 

Ralph Wormley, 

William Horn, 

Peter Mason, 

John Woodman senioi^ 

John Woodman junior, 

Jonathan ^Voodman, 

John Davis senior, 

John Davis junior, 

Sam. Adams, 

William Parkinson, 

Joseph Hill, 

Js'athan. Hill, 

John Roberts. 
hands of the honourable fireaident VVearef^ 



No. XXIX. 

The deposition of Peter Coffin, esq. one of his majesty's justices of tl^e 
peace for New-Hampshire, being s%Yorn, saith, 
'HAT sometime in the beginning of February, A. D. 168|, I the de^ 
ponent was present at the house of Mr. John Hiuclf.s in company 



S^6 



APPfmmx. 



tvith the ho!i. Edw. Cranficld, esq. governor of this pvoviiide, where I 
heard the said governor send for Mr. William Vavigiian, and when the 
said Vairiian came the governor enquired of him what affidavits those 
were he hud that day desired to be taken. The said Vaiighan answered, 
those that concerned his cause against Mr. Mason. The governor asked 
him who they were, he answered, if he might have summons he would 
bring them before his honour to be sworn ; and then the gov ernor brake 
out into a passion and told him, the said Vaughan, that he was a mutinous 
fellow, and asked him what he went lately to Boston for ; the said Vaughan 
answered he went about his business. Then the r^ove.iior said he *' ent 
lo carry a mutinous petition to be sent to England by VVeare, and asked 
him what vesse Weare vent in ; Mr. Vaughan answered that he left 
Weare in Boston. Then the governor said, that by the next ships ji'ter 
Weare was got to England and had presented his petition, he sfloiifd iiuve 
-an account of the persons names that subscribed it returned to biiri, dUd 
that it would be the best hawi he ever hid, f>r it would be Worth jC\OQ a 
man. The governor further said, th;il the said Vau;i,han was a tnutinous 
fellow, and required of him bonds to the good behaviour ; Mr. Vaughan 
answered he know none of the king's laws he had broken, but if he could 
be infijraied of his crime he was ready to give bonds. And that in the 
\vhoIe discourse Mr. 'S^'aughan denieaned himself v.ith a great lic tl of 
moderation and submission. Notwitiistanding vhich the goernoi conir 
:!nanded a mitliimis to be writ and signed tie same with his own hand, 
^hereuDon the said Vaughan was forthwith coaiaiitted to jjrison. 

PETl.R COFFIN. 
Feter CoiTin, esq. the above named deponent, appearing in the town 

of Kitlery in the province of Maine this 27th of January 1634-5, 

made oath to the above written, before me, 

CHARLES FROST, 
JUst. of Peace. 

No. XXX. 
T/ie 'iVaiTant and liiittimua ivhereby WiUium Vaughan^ Esq. ivas coimrdtte^ 

to prison. 
Nevz-Hampshire. 
To James Sherlock, gent, sherif and provost marslud of the said province, 

or his deputy. 

IN his majesty's name you are hereby required to take aiul apprehend 
the body of William Vaughan, of Portsmouth, Esq. and Carry him to 
ihe prison of Great Island ; And Richard Abbot the prison keeper there- 
of, is hereby required to receive the said Vaughan into said prison and 
there keep him in safe custody till he shall give good security to our sever, 
lord the king his heirs and successors for hi.- the said Vaugh-ih's go;>d be- 
iiaviour t'lwards tie same our sovcr. lord the king,Ae /luving rffused to find 
.security for hin said r^wd be/iavinur the sixth da) ol February 1683. Giveii 
under my hand and seal the said sixth day of Februarv 168^*. 

EDWARD CRANITELD, (L. S.) 
VThe fTJO ^'.receding papers arc in the recorder'^' office.^ 

No. XX XT. 

Jt Utter fi'om lVilUai:i 'Faughdn^ Esci. containing a jouriial of transactioui, 
^irilig /lis i/nprisontnen(,'<S'c. to A'afhcmel Wearc^ Esa , agent ir\ Land'jV.. 



Mr. Nathaniel Wire, 

SIR, _ Portsmouth, 4.thTeb. 168|. 

IHESE serves to p;ive covert to the inclosed which ware unhappily 
mibii.ici. and so brou!];ht to Portsmcuih insled of beinge carried by 
yoii to Lonrlon though on the other hand you carried many papers for 
London wl.icii ous^^hi to have been at Portsmouth. There were severall 
papers in ihe bondle which ware very impertinente unto your business, 
and the transporllnge of them very prejudicyall to scm here, your especy- 
all cave about ih.em is expected, yet may be safely returned with you if 
nc* transmitted by you before your returne. Wee are now a doinge a- 
boijte i^etinge evidenses sworne, v.hich you shall have a further account 
by ihe fii ste, ihoni^h retarded much by havinge no copies of them as wee 
expected. Sinse yonr departure much ado have been made, many execu- 
cyons extended, viz. upon Mrs. Cult, Daniele, myself, Mr. Fletcher, Moo- 
t'.y, Hunkins, Earle, Pickeringes, Booth, &c. I went to pris,on but was 
redeeniea with money, severall dores were broken open by Matthews the 
marshail's deputy, chestes also and trunks and carried out of the houses 
till redeemed with uioney. Johri Partridge and Wm. Gotten are in prison 
and have been sundry dales. No pay (as fish, sheep, horses, Stc.) would 
be taken for their executyons, so the: e bodyes ware levied upon and there 
they lye. Our menister for refusinge to admene'vtev the sacrament to the 
governor is bound over to the quarter sessions to sit to morrow, the issh,. 
ew wee know not but six mon'.h<> imprisonment thretned. Your wife and 
famele well. Grete bluster at Haratcn =.hout the petityon, som weeke-. 
lin[;cs ware whegled into a confession and they discoveTerJ the persones 
that carried the petityon, who ware by jubus G. Sc R. bound over to the 
quurttr seshions, but last Satlerday night (on what ground know not) 
Mr. Greene huriUe there bonds and only touiu them they music appere 
when cold for. Charles Hiiton is lately ded. As other news arrives shall 
hand it to you by all occaiyones and doe you the like by us. 

5tli Qiiatter sessioris are come, and there Capt Barefoote, Mr. Fryer, 
Coffin, Greene, Roby, Edgerly, v/ere justices, Raines was attorny. It wa* 
brought in as a pica of liie riowne. Mr. Moody pleaded his not beinge 
ord.ined, having no m.aintenante according to statute and therefore not 
obliged to that v^orke v^hich the statute recjuired. Besides these statutes 
were not made for these plases, the knowne end of there removal hither 
beinge that they might enjoye libeily in these forrin plantatyoncs which 
these couid not ha\e by verlcv.^ of tke statutes at home, and ware allowed 
to have here, especyally our comityon grantinge liberty of contyense. 
These things ware pleded, but to no purpose, after a shorte pleding and 
that not wiihoute many inten-ptyones and smiles by the pragmatticke, bu- 
sey ivTiperttnenle altuiny, he Av'as comited to the marshall, (viz. Longe 
Malthev.s) and held in custody that nii;ht tho' rermitted to lodge at Capt. 
Siilcmun'a. The justises debated a litteli, feure oi ihem entered there de- 
scnie, viz. Mr. Fryer. Greene, Roby, Edgeny, but Capt. Barefoote and 
C!offin ware for his condemnatyon. Judgment of the case, every man's 
was entered by the secretary over night, but being deferred till nexte 
inornir.i^e inforniatyon was given to somebody who came in and thretned 
and hectored after such a rate that Green and Roby also consented as you 
see by the inclosed, and hce was comited to prison. Pciyon was by him 
made to the courie, and afterward to the governor, that bee might stef* 
up at niol.te to hii famely and settel matters ;hcrc. and that h.f might not 



328 APPENDIX. 

goe into the dismall plase the common ptisson. The court could not, the 
governor would not of fiiste, tho' in fine gave leave to ihe niarihall to 
drop him at Capt. Stilenian's, where he is confined to ais cliamLer; tho* 
not without leave to goe down staires or into the baktside, :uk( this was 
done 6th instante. At nic^ht I having moved for the takinge olevedeiises, 
which was in words owned, wente to the secretary for sumnuii.eh, iiuead- 
inge to begin with Lift Haull and Thomas Wiggones, hee refused to give 
summones but first (I suppose) muste informe somebody, I was sent for 
by the marshal!, hufied and hectored strant';e!y, thretned, Sec. in fine, 
itiuste give bonds to the good behaviour ; I refused thereupon he made 
and signed my mittymos to the prisson, though by the way, I knov.e not 
how, was also d.opcd at and confined to Mr. Moody's chamber, where 
wee have bin this twonig,hts very chareful toKPiner. 

Poore Wadlow who was left to the go 'criior's meicy is com oute upoa 
security for forty pounds money, and your Gove for a like son'e, only \Vm 
Partridge is to doe it in workc, building and fensing, Sec. The actycMis goe 
on and are turned of hand apase, twelve at a clajiji^ afier the ould man- 
ner, Roby though a justis is still of tiie jury. A new tricke is on loote, 
severall of us that ware executed upon and paid our mony the firste su'c, 
are sued againe for iiiegal witholdin^e possession, tho' the marshal! (who 
was by executyon required to give possession never came to demand it ;) 
the issue of which wee know not, matters being yet dependinge. 

9th. The prisoners Vaughan and Mr. Moody ware fetched out of pris- 
son to p.ede there casses at the courte. Mrs. Cutt, Daniell, John Par- 
tridge and myself and Mr. Moody were sued and all caste, but the laste 
who had somethinge panicularly to saye, and soe he caste- Mr. Mascn 
though wee thought wee all said enoufe to caste him, viz. that hee had 
an executyon for the land sued for, and when he levied his executyon 
mighie have taken the land also, with many other things (cnoufc of wee 
thought) to have turned the case against hitn before anuy indiferento 
judges and jurors, but thus wee are tictted. 

But above all our menester lyes in [jri son, and a fammin of the word 
of God cominge upon us. No public worship, no preachinge of the word, 
what ignoranse, profanes and nnisery mubtncedes ensue ! By the premises 
you see what need there is you should be vigoros and sixedy as you maye 
aboute your busness to doe what may be to the prevenange of uter ruin. 

My imprisonment is a presente stop to the gciinge what cvedenses is 
needful, and it's like we shall not make anny further attempt here, but with 
what conveniente expedytyon will be done what is needful and necessary, 
Mr. Martin was sued at the courte in two actyones, one i;y Mr. Mason for 
fines and forfctures collected and received by him as treasurer from seven- 
ty nine to eii;hty two, and another actyon by the governor for fines, &c. 
iron) April eighty two. He is caste in both aclycnes to the valew of a- 
bout seventy pounds, ailhougb hee pleded that what hee received was dis- 
posed by order of the authority which made him treasurer, and had as good 
comityon from Ids magestie as that was in beinge, neither did it legally 
appeare that ctiicr Mr. Masson or tlse governor have anny righie to fines 
arid tbrietures, the kinge appointinge all pubiickc money to be disposed or 
improved for the supporte of the government ; however it is hut aske and 
have, there demands in any case have the force of a!) executyon. 

iOth. The sabbath is come but no p:ccl.inge at tSse Bankc, nor anny a'- 
't:i\\<:^<\ to com to U3 ; we had noone i»ui tlie famek-y wiiji u;;j the pore pc* 



APPENDIX. 329 

pie wantinge for lake of bred. Motyones have been made that Mr. Moo- 
4y may goe up andprech on the i^oicl's dayc, tho' hee com downe to 
piiss'Hi at niglit, orthatnttibor minislers might be permitted to com and 
prcch, or that the pepie iiiii^ht com downe lo the prisson and here as ma- 
ny us could, but nothing will doe ; an unparraleled example aniou:4St 
Christiana to have a nicnester putt oute and no other waye found to sup- 
])Iy liis piase by one menes or otiier. Mr. Frier was severely ihremed 
ibi' retuseinge to bubhcrii)e Mr. Moody's commitment, but hath oblayned 
fairly a disauiyon from all publike offices. Jiistis Edgerly aisocai3hered> 
and bound over to the quaucr scosiones. It is said that Justis Gicene is 
much cililicted lor what he has done, but Roby not. Peter Cofhr. can 
Bcarseshow his lied in anny company*. 

I4th. Nu&e cumv fioni the iourte at Casco that there was greate dan- 
get of the indyanes risinge, which hath occatyoned a meetinge of the 
counscil and some discourse, but here no more since and hope it may van- 
i'oh. 

15th. Good Mrs. Martin was buried, being not able to live above one 
saboth after the shutting up the dores of the sanctuary. Somebody hath 
said that the imprisoninge of the minister is noope of his worke, hee did 
but constitute the courte, they did it themselves, tho' also iiath said hee 
would have don it himselfe if they had not. 

i7th. Another sad sabotli. 

18th. Came Mr. Mason, Barefoot and secretary, with Thijrton, who 
swore against mee afal^e oatli. of which have inclosed a copia. Thurton 
said he was sent lor on purpose to give in his testimony against mee ; — . 
they went away, and soon after came the inclosed mitiinios directed to 
Ml. P^aines hoo is sheieff and marshal in Mr. Sheerlock's roome that 
have bin out of favor of late, tho' now it is said in favor but nut in plase 
againe. Mr. Estwicke is also put oute of all offis. Noote, that when I 
wente to hint for takeinge oathes, hee said all oathes should be taken be- 
fore the governor tiiul counseii,bui now could send to justisestodpe it. We 
had for som nightes our key taken away from the chamber dore about 8 
or 9 at nighte but have sinse left off that trade. Sowell of Exeter is ded. 
Severall overtures were miitle this week to John Partridge and William 
Cotten by Raines to come out of prisson hee giveinge them 3 monthes 
time to provide mony or anny other currante paye, tho' they tendered fish) 
planke, Sec. before they ware put in, they refused to accept. 

24ih. This saboth our wives, children and servants came downe and 
spent the day with us in our chamber, and wee yet here nothing said 
against it. 

25th. The marshall goes and levies qpon John the Greek's sheep and 
cattle for the execuyon, for which he had laine about three weeks in 
prisson, and then came and ordered hinj to goe about his busnesse, 15 

* Mr. Moody in the cliurch records remarks thus on hjs judges: "Not long aftei; 
" Green repented and made his acknowledgement to the pastor who frankly forgave him. 
" Robie was excommunicated oat of Hampton church for a common drunkard and died 
" excommunicate, and was bj his friends thrown into a hole near his house for fear of an 
" arrest oi his carcase. Barefoote fell into a languishing distemper wliereof he died. — 
■ " Coffin was taken by the Indians, (at Cochecho 1689) his house and null burnt, him- 
" self not being slain but dismissed ; The Lord give him repentance, though no signs of 
." it have yet appeared." 



3S0 APPENDIX. 

shcepe, sundry lambes, and two haifers sezed for six pounds od mony.-s«f 
This clay also Mr. Jaffery having had sundcry warningb the week before' 
to clere his house becase Mr, Masson would com and take possession of 
il,wenve never the les to the Btmkc upon busness ; niene while cams 
Mr. M.r.on with the niars.hall and tinned all his servants out of dores, 
set uno- !ier locke on the dore, and at nifjht when his servants came home 
•Wett they would not suffer them to com in, but there lodged Mathews and 
Thurtoi) allnighte. Mr. Mason said while aboiite his wor!;e that he was 
sorry Wire had no more of this nuse to carry hoome with him. 

The govenor haveuigc sente to Mr. Cotton, that when he bad prepa- 
red his soule hee would com and demand the sacrament of him as hce 
had done at Portsmouth alredy. Mr. Cotton the latter end of tlie weeke 
before laste went to Boston and has bin oute two Lord's days already ; all 
is well with yours there, soe far as I can learn, I cannot i2,oe to see else 
might h.ave giveu them a visrte. 

One wort^e more about my busnes. I am under imprisonment aboute 
Thurton'b busness, being seized by the marshal! and comited when iti 
pris3on before for not giveinge bond for the good behaviour, tho' noih- 
inge charged upon aie any more than before, which you ^vell know. I 
know nothing but they intend to keep me here endlessly ; it's saide I 
muste paye one hundred pounds, for strikeinge one of the king's ofticers 
and must have my name returned into the exchequer and nuist lye in 
prisson till the mony be paid and I am rii< charged from the exchequer. 
The designe you may e:>ely see is to ruine mee, and how vaine my plea 
will be you may esely guesse. Tho' I have manny thinges to sale, viz. 
that Thurton was either no officer or at lesle not knowne to be so, how- 
ev'er not sworne, nor did I strike him in the hyewaye as bee sweares,noi* 
is there anny proofe but his own single testimony, which how far it av- 
ailes in such a case would be considered ; it's also worthy of inquirtt- 
whether ever that law was intendeci f^r us, here beinge no customs to be 
gathered, no exchequer to be vippiicd to, and therefore how these metli- 
ods can be observed is not intcllegable. You niay esely iniagcn how 
things will be if I am forced to coinp ye with there hun-^ors. Pray con- 
sult, co!!sider, and see if somelhi^i.^e may not be done to putt a stop to 
such arbetrary proseedings, a trial! on the plase by indifferente uncon- 
serned judi;;esand juror, if atleste there can anny such be found hoo will 
not be forted into what some will have done, but I shall not need to in-' 
struct you ; there you have better counsell than I can give you, and of 
your fedelyty to inquire and Femi^te by the firste what is needful on this 
accounte I doute not. 

I have r^iven you but a taste, wee that see it know mere then can pos- 
sibly bee uiiderstoodtTy those that only here ; in a wordsziC;^ is the huith 
fif there heat and raidge that th<Tc is no livings/or us long in this condi' 
tyon. Butt wee hope God will bee seene in the mounte. 

I should have inserird what fell oute after the ui3,)ivinge of the rebell- 
yous assembly, there was discourse of constables, and instead of the free- 
men's chusinge as formerly they tooke a shorte and cheper course, and 
at the (piurter sessions constables were chosen tind to be!;in with Mr, 
Speker, he has the honner to be constable for Portsmouth, Capt.Gerrish, 
Lt. Nutter and John Woodman for Dover, Smith the cooper for Hamp- 
ton, Joiui Fouisi^am at Exeter. Whether Mr. Speker shall serve or 
fine is not yet deicrmiued. And now I am spekinge ofthe general as- 
sembly, must hinte what was formerly forgotten, vz. that they convened' 



APPENDIX. $31 

♦n the Mondaye and the choice of the speker (there ould one) in words 
hily approved and hee compieuieiited alaniode. 'i hen a bill was sente 
them downe (of which if I can g«t it being- now in prisson shall inclose a 
■copia) \viuch ihey talked a littel of did then brake up for the nighte and 
vente up to the Banke to lodge (the tide serving very well to gee and 
jCo\i\), the reporle of which highly disgusted, and the next morninj; 
the answer to tlie bill veiienicntiy urged, which was in fine a negative. — 
Hereopon in a grete ruidge iCiiing theni ihey had bin up to consult with 
Moody an uter enemy to church and coman vvelth with much of like na- 
ture, hee diosolved them, which was done on the Tuesdaye, after which 
hee came up to the Banke and i.;;ave older for a sacrament on the next 
Lord's daye as you have herd and since the assembly men pricked for 
•onstables. 

By the premises you will see how the governor is makeinge good his 
word, he camefor mony and mony he nuiil ffcte, and if hee get it you know 
hoo must loose it, and how rniserab/e rntiste our condilyon quickly be if 
there be no remedy quickly provided. Hee contrives and cutts out work 
and finds evill instrewmenis to make it u|), and these som among our- 
selves. Thus wee zxa cloven by our owne limLes. 

28th. Sinse Mr. Jafiery was dispossessed, Raines offered him for five 
shillings per annum q«it-rent to Mr. Mason, he should have his house 
againe, provided hee would owne him proprietor, but hee refuseinge it 
is Saide bee shall never have it againe. The talke is that his house must 
be court-house and priss£)n booth, and standinge so nere the governor it is 
judged sutable for booth those ends, that hee may have the shorter jour^ 
ney to courte and the prisoners may bciC alwaies under his eye. 

29th. John the Greeke haveinge laine som weekes in prisson upon ex- 
ecutyon, his goods haveinge been levied upon (as above), was by Raines 
locked outc of the prisson and bidden to be gon, but he would not, keepes 
his quarters still with the other two. This daye his goods was sold by 
jhe marshall and bought by Thurton. 

Mr. Cotton is com hom fiom Boston. Crete offence taken her<? at a 
sermon hee preched in Boston on Acts xii. v. tho' plesinge to the hear- 
ers. 

March 2d. This day Mr. Jeffery's goods were all turned oute ofdores 
by the sheriff, &c. his man received and disponed of them. Againste Jaf- 
fery there are two oathes taken, single oathes, but beinge for the king 
will passe, and orders are given for warrants to apprehend him, he ap- 
peres not. 

March 5. It is said that they are goingethis day to Major Waldrone's 
to serve him as they have done Mr. Jaffery, and it is given oute that the 
reste will be treted in like manner ; the courte was adjourned yesterdaye 
to the next month pbably that they might levey the executyons that are 
in Banke before they cutt oute anny more worke. Justis Greene seems 
something troubled for sendiuge the menester to prisson, and sailhe hee 
will never doe such a thinge againe, but Peter Coffin saithe it is a nine 
dayes wonder and will soon be forgotten, but others think otherwise. If 
they goe on thus wee are utterly ruined, mwst goe away or starve if at 
leste Aveebee not so confined that we cannot goe away nether. I quest- 
yon whether annie aidge can parralell such actyoncs. 

In my laste I sente you a letter to Sir Josiah Child my master, of 
Vhich also you have another copia herewith. My designe is that you 



S3^ 



APPENDIX. 



carry the letter yourselfe, waite on him vvhJIe hee readcs it, and it hcQ 
will plese to here you (as I hope hee maye) thai you airiplyfie matters, 
inform him what turllier intelligcns you have and attendc his c'iiectyon, 
if God move his hearte to doe ou,;^ht tor us. Tliis daye the s^ovci'nor 
sente us word by the marshall tiiat wee must remove to Mr. jairerey's 
house to morrc;, which house is made the prisson. Wee hope the nuse 
of the risingc of the Indyfais wii! faule to nolliini;e. 

Ditto. 5th. Thus far was sent you by the waye of Barbados. It fal- 
lowes. The governor aid saie to a Salem rsan that Moody mit^ht tuie out 
of tiie prisson, if hee would goe out of the provinse, bull wee here no 
more sinse. 

James Robinson under Jrrete rauth and in much danger only for speak- 
ing something to Thurton (of his bcine, a piil'ui feiio, S^c,) while said 
Thurton wasaclive in turning out Mr. Jaffeiy's gooes. 

6th. Matthews and Thurton hunted for Mr. Jaffcrj, searched in P.irs. 
Cult's house, went into every room above and below staires, searched un* 
der her bed where she lay sick in it but found him not. They carried it 
very rudely and basely in their worke. Matthews said he would caitch 
liim or h .ve his harte bind, but hee was not there. Mr. Jad'crey's goods 
were c ';iecl to the o her aide by nighte. 

It i:- said that our imprisonment nas much [alarfnrcl] the hoole coun- 
trey and made them more fond of their liberties. Thib nighte Matthews 
was beten at Mersore's (som fudlinge boute its like), but its made a mity 
thing on, saidetobe a deepe plot, deeper than Gove's, managed by strong 
heds, and abundanse of that nature, and because the jjcrsons conserncd 
ware under the inflewense ofVaughan and Moody they should suffer for 
it, for not techinge them better. Tho' we know no more of it than you, 
nor is their ou;,;ht in it worth noils, but thus wee are treted. The gov- 
ernor wente up to the Banke and madis grete inquiries aboute it. Capt. 
Pickeringe and others that war-e in the fraie are bound over. 

7th. They h>'.d feix pouiids five shillings of Obadiu Mors by wayeofex- 
eculyon Raines was discarded being put cute of beinge sheriffe, he. 
tho' he had his comiiyon under the scale but the other daye. Matthews 
is made provost marshall (at leste) in his roome and Thurton marshall's 
deputy. Good buids for such offiscs. Lord have mercy upon us. They 
had ali^o eighteen shillings from Sam Case, the resle is deferred, and he 
has put awaye his goods and intends to remove or goe to prisson, and see 
wee muste all. 

1 1th. The Iiulyan nuse occatyoned an order to the trustees to get 
aminityen, they caiuc down and pledcd their time was up, it was said you 
shall keepe m during my pleasure. They said they had no mony of the 
townes in their hands, nor could anny be raised withoute a general as- 
sembly. Then laye out your own mony or else woe to you ; and this they 
are faiue to compiy with. 

Hee said and swore that if Masson would not acknowledge a judgment 
nexte courte of six hundred pounds, hee would take all his busnes from 
him and sew in his own name. Hee swore hee would turn oute that 
rooge EUet who is as bad as anny other. 

Mr. Waldron beinge senic for by warrant to com before the justices 
to take the constables oath, appered before Mr. Masson and Capt Bare- 
foot, but excuseinge it and givcingc good reason was dismissed upon pay- 
inge five pounds ; but poor Capt. Barefoote was most ferefuHy rutted at 



APPENDIX. 333 

for his labor, many oathes sworne that "Waldron should either take the 
oath or either lake up v/ith a ti;oaie. The next daye (iho* the justices 
hoose busnes it is, had fairely dismissed himj he was convented aguine, 
the oath tendered, hee threlned with a prisson immedyately, butt tv^uid 
them hee knew the law better than soe, then they tooke his one bond to 
answer it at quarter sessioncs and so far of that lualter as yet. Another 
constable is chosen, viz. Capt. Pickeringe, the' hee have as yet waved liie 
oath, haveingc lately served in that place, and pleding his being bound to 
good behaviour for that laste fraye. He taulks much of fiij^gets to scare 
the pore peple. 

Ikh. Counsell sat and could not agree aboute raisinge mony, which 
hiiy provoked somebody. They said the general assembly onlv couid 
raise mony. 

The governor tould Mr. JafFery's negro hee might goe from his mas- 
ter, hee would clera him uiuler hande and sele, so the fello no more at- 
tends his master's consernes. 

15th. This day the secretary was in a grete raidge turned out of all 
his ©ffises exepte secretary to the counsell, (an emptie name little profit) 
and the bookes sente for oute of his hando. Hee is much conserned and 
dejected. 

I am credible informed and you may beleeve it, that the governor did 
in the open counsell yesierdaye Siiye and sware dredfully, that hee would 
put the provinces into the gretest confusion and distractyon hee could 
possible and then goe away and icvs them soe, and then the devell take 
them all. li'ee also then said that Mr. M.isson said hee would drive them 
into a second rebellyon, but himselfe would doe it before ; and 1 wonder 
he has not, such actings are the redy way, but God hath kepte us heth- 
erto and I hope they will do soe sliil. Hee also said and swore that anny 
person that should have anny manner of converse with us or anny of our 
mind, he would couule them as utter enemies and carry toward them as 
such. 

17th. The governor haveinge formerly prohibited the prisoners from 
jnakeing shingles wente himselfe this day to the prisson and prohibited 
John Partridge Irom makeinge shoes, bad the marshall throw them into 
the sea. 

This day Raines beinge not willinge to give up a warranto that he had 
executed duvinge the shorte time of beinge sheriffe, was sent for by 
the governor, and not appevinge, the governor came to his chamber and 
did bete him dredfully, and bad the marshall carry the rouge to gaiie.— 
Hee remaines out of favour still. The governor also wente over to capt. 
Hooke's and got him to give warrants to the constables on the other side 
to serch all houses for Mr. Jaffery and bring him over, but they found 
him not, nor is he yet found, tho' proclamatyon was made at Wells cort, 
for his sesure tho' not yet done. 

Mauch 18 This morninge came MatthevTs to our chamber Bnd 
said the governor sente him to cai ry mee to the prisson, where I am 
where I still iy ; being put in only for Thurton's actyon and kepte in tho' I 
offered security to respond it. I think they have let fail the other aboute 
the good behaviour, seeinge they can make nothinge of it, and before my 
cominge in John the Greeke's bed. Sec. was turned outof prisson and hee 
forsed away, whoo would not depart before. 
21st. Mr. Martin came to discorse about the mony he was caste for. 



^34 APPENDIX. 

■which they hav^s not yet levied upon him, but intend to laye it upon all di* 
ould counsell equally th:\t each maye bare his share ; at same time the 
governor toukl Mr. Martin that hee would send his excculyon. Said Mr. 
Martin, you know il is not my dew to paye the mony. No matter (said 
h*), / tvanc niomj and I will have it. But J have none^ said hee ; then I 
wiil take your house. Hee ackled also to Mr. Martin, that hee was a 
chureli member and hee would walch him and all such, and be sure to 
paye them off if hee could cai;ch them. 

22d. Tlie soi-rest sionn and the iiiesle tide that ever was knowne. McV 
ny thousands of pounds dumid.^ein Bosion and much here. The bridge 
to the Grete Island broaken of in the middle to the grete joy of manny. 

24th. Tlie governor wente to Boston in Foxe's sloop, intending thense 
to New-Yoi-ke, pretcndin^e to discnrse Colonali Diingham iuid bringe 
downe two hundred Mohiuvkes to kili the estvvard Indyanes. What is at 
the botham or will be the issiuie Godknowes. Hee had a could trete at 
Boston, staidd not a nighte in towne. Smse his goinr,e we have had litt- 
tel nuse worthy of your notis, but all things have bin very quiet hith^ 
erto. 

I have not inlargcd upon these particulars to my master Chii.d, but if 
hee will take any notis of the thinge and be conserned about it hee will 
then give you opportunyty of discourseing him, and you may informe 
vhat is further neidful. 

alst. This month passed outc and the other came in withoute anny 
noise, unles the grete joye that was at the Banke by Mr. Moodye's going 
\ip thither and my goinge onse or twise after with om- keepers, by Mr. 
Masson'a pcrmityon who presides in the governor's absence ; but wee 
soone returned to the plase from whense wee came. 

April S. Naih. Fox who married Mrs. Stileman's dafter sente Ma^ 
thews toarreste Capt. Stileman for his wifes portyon (tho' it was often ten- 
dered him in such paye as tlie courte ordered it, but he would have it in 
mony). Capt Stileman gave his own house and yll that was in it for se- 
curity to answer the actyon, but Matthews bringinge Thurton with him 
at his instegaiyon, who was terrebly insolente, they arrested the tvooman 
Mvs. Stileman and canied her to prisson %vt::h much violense and course 
usudge.^ tho' her huahand had given seeuritij. Shee was carried in the 
evening. Caj^t. Stileman wrote to Mr. Masson, he protested against it 
and wrote to the marshal!, it woiild not doc. Hee wente againe and Mr, 
T'lasson wroote againe, but to no purpose, they kept her there till the next 
xnorninge ; a thinge not to be pavaleled in the English nation ! Complainte 
hath been made but no remedy. Abbot beinge up at the banke with mee 
Thuvlon took the key of the prisson, and when Abbot came would not 
permitt him to goe in, but turned him awaye. Brave doinges 1 Notunge 
can tell the horrible impcryousness and domanereinge carridge of that 
wretch. The nexte morninge Mr. Masson (much a doe) got Mrs. Stile- 
man oute and the gaillor into his plase againe. 

Mr. Masson gave leve for anny minister to com and pretch at the bank, 
so that wee got Mr. Phillops for two Lord's duyes, viz. IS & 20th, have- 
uigo bin nine Lord's dayes without a sermone. 

April 14th. Came H. Greene to Mr. Moody's chamber and made a 
coniiession of his faulte and begged his pardon for putting him in prisson 
and saide hee m ould git him oute quarter scssiones, Sec. Good words, butt 
Capt. Baiefoote wente to the prisson and tould John PaTi 



A#PENDI^. ^S'^ 

ti^age that if hee would give an order to allow so much as Ms charges 
eame to oute of what the provinces owed him about Gove, for the soul- 
dyers, &c. hcG should come oute of prisson, and they would paye him the 
renvaindcr, the hooie beinge about thurty pounds, but hee was not forward 
leste hee should in so doinge quitt them of false iniprissoninge him ; but 
if they would doe it themselves, stop so they mighle. Nothinge is done 
in it. 

15th. Blatthews andThurton ware senteto Hamton to lerie execu- 
lyones and serve attachments and warne jewreyrnen for the couite inMay. 

They arrested seaven. among which Capten Shourborne one, warned 
the ould jewreynien, executed upon VVm. Sanborne, touke foure oxen 
tvhich ware redeemed by mony, drove away seven cowes from Nath. 
Kalchelor, wente to your house, met your son Peter goinge with his four 
oxen into the woods, commanded him to turne the oxen liwome, he would 
not ; they cursed, swore, drew upon him, thretned to run him through, 
beete him, but he did not strike againe. They came to your house, ware 
shutt oute, yotn- wife ferefully scAred for fere of her son who was otite 
with them. At lenp;th she lett them in, laid three pounds on the table 
which they tooke and then levied on several! young cattel but released 
and lefte them. Your son came hether to advise, but conjplaininge is 
bootless, such a dismal case are wee in. Th.ey tooke away two bedds from 
ould Perkins, but his son offered his person and they tooke it and quitted 
the other ; what more they did there wee as yet here not. 

Capt. Gerish, John Woodman, Liften. Nutter and Nath. Batchelorare 
svvorne constables. 

i7th. I \vcnte to Mr. Masson at Capt, Barefoote's house and had sev- 
erall witnesses with mee, and desired him to take deposityones that I 
might sende them home, about my case and the reste of the cases, butt 
hee refused. The governor had putt mee in prisson when I asked him, 
and now in his absents the deputy governor denies to grant theoi. I hope 
this will be matter of jus,te coniplainle, that wee should be hindered from 
applyinp;e to his majesty for relefe under our oppressiones. You will 
have evidense of his denial sente home, sworne before som of the Baye 
magestrates : wee can doe no more unless the Baye should assiste us, 
which they are loath to doe and wee are loath to put them upon as mat- 
ters are surcomstansed with them ; but wee thinke it should be taken very 
hainously by all that love justis and wiUing to administer it, that his ina- 
gesties subjects should be thus treated. Surely they are afraid or asha- 
med of there actyones (and they may be boath) else they would not be s© 
shye of having them knowne. 

This is what offers here, what more neidfull coz Waldron mil advise 
from Boston. 

With dew respects remaine, 
Your assured friend and servant. 

For MR. NATH. W^RE, in London. 

A discourse with the governor aboute my imprisoninent, May. 
81, \_Subjrjined ta the foregoing letter. ~\ 
4 T a sessiones held the 6th May, 1684, 1 was denied counsell, and t» 
j!Jl have witnesses sworne. Mr. Waldron, Capt. Stileman and Capt. 
Froste were presented. 

IQth. The governor was with mee in prisiion, Mr. Chamberlin, Mr, 
Hinkes and Mr. Slierloake with hira. 



S36 APPJENDiX» 

The governor profferreil mee (that whereas I was fined by the justises 
in Thunon's case, that I mig-ht think they had not done mee rite) that 
I would j)i-osecute it (givein^e security soe to doe,) in the kins^s benche 
at v\ estininster, tlie exchequer, or before kinge and coinisell, I should ; 
though by his comityon hce could not doe it. My anser was, unles I 
could hrtvc sccurety given mee that in case I should recover, I might hav 
niy charge and damidge made me good, it would be of no benefit to me. 
He saide there was no resoii for that, becasc it was for the kinge ; though 
it was his becase Mr. Masson had resind up to the kinge all fines and for- 
•fituies and the king had given it to him. But he said if I would depositc 
a Valuable som bee would doc the like and would give bond, and have it 
tried as abovesaid. My answer- was I thoughte the forty pounds was cnofe 
and th itl expected execulyon would com oute at the time, and shoidd en- 
devour by the liiue to provide enofe for it, but withal tould the governor 
it was at his liberty to remit it if he pleased by virtue of his comityon. 

Allso for my beingc in prisson for not giveinge bond for my cood be-f 
liaviour, when tiie sessiones came I was not brought to my triall for that, 
but remanded to prisson agaii;. 

At ditto time the governor tould mee hee had put mee in prisson on 
that account, and hce would abide by it till I would give two hundred 
pound bound. My anser was 1 had rather ly in prisson then give bond to 
tempt such a fellow as Tnurton, (or such others) that had sworne against 
me alredy, and falsly, and judged it nnght be no scuiplc to him to doe the 
like againe. And withal told hint that if hi-^ hoiiner plesed to let me out 
of prisson, I would ingaidge luyse'f by bond tu live oute of the provinse, 
thoui^h that would be very detremcniall to my couserns and by that I ho- 
ped he would have no thoughts of my misbehaveinge myselfe, that would 
be detrementall to the kinges govermente here or hiraself. Not that I 
scrupled giveinge bond for my good behaviour, though not accused for 
anny thinge but for layinge a temptatyon to some base minded person or 
persons to foresware themselves, as one had done before in another case 
relateinge to me. 

M;iy 12. Was informed that whereas Thurtcn had a comityon to be 
prisson keeper, (and withal had vapored and said the prisson wasUo good 
for Vaughan, and the roome that hee had fited up did intende to keepe it 
himself and that V. should tako his quarters where hee would as- 
signe it, and that the prisoners should not be waited on as Abbot had done, 
for hee would keep them loacked up, only com morninge and eveninge) 
lostc his poaket booke wherein was his comityon and sundry papors of 
conseinment. 

JV. B. The original of this letter and journal is in the hands of the Hon, 
President Weave. 

W. XXXII. 

Copy of a letter from the governor and conncil to the lords of trade. 

\Covncil Records.'] Province oi New-Hampshire, 

May 23, 1684. 
May it please your lordships, 

SINCE Robert Waldy is returned from England having lately had 
an appeal dismissed by tiie council board, by taking advantage of 
Mr. Randolph's absence, who was atturney for the parties, he hath put 
the people of this province into such a ferment and disorder that it 
is not possible to put his majesty s commands in cxecucon or any 



APPENDIX. SSl 

-.rayd govern tiicm- And tho' notwithstanding in obedience to your lord- 
ships cymaiaiuls, we have called un assembly (a copv of the prociarnaiion 
for that purpose beint; herein inclosed) we cannot think it prudent or safo 
to let them sit ; they being of the sume ill huiiior or worse as when Gove 
went into arms, his desi^^n being hatcli'd at the time the absenibly sate. 
And it looks more like a design, they having those four constables into 
theassemhiy ihat ilie kinj^-s peace may net be preserved (the whoie number 
€f the assembly being eleven :) This Wadly being formerly an assembly 
man and hcith three sonscondcunfd in Gove's rebellion (and himself now 
chosen again) the oidest of theai I hivc pardoned, one of iheni is dead 
and the oti:er J. keep in pri->oii tid I leceiveyour lordship's further order. 
All the other oficuder>5 being pardoned. M.Jor Waldrons son is con« 
stantly of the asseinbly and speaker (this being the thu'd that hath been 
called) I wish his majesties clemency do not cause some great mischief 
to be done here. They ha> e never given Tiro pence* to the support of 
the government and th.*t very rate that was made in the time of president 
C\itt and Waldrr n we have according to his majesties royal commissiori 
continued ; but do not think it safe to publish it, unlesse we hud su-ength 
to countenance our proceedings. This we conceived our duty to infornti 
your lordships, and are, 

Mav it please yotir lordships, 
Your nnost humble and most obedient servants-, 
The appllants claim bv grant"^ EDW. CR AN FIELD, 
froni .^Ir. Mason ; and as for RC Bt. MASON, 
Wadley he hath been these i WALT. BAREFOOT, 
sixteen days in the countrey. j R. CHAMBERLnlN, 
and tho' I have heard much of j JOHN HINX.S, 
him, I have not yet seen him.J JAMES SHERLOCK. 
To the right honbie. the lords of the committee 
of trade and planlacon, ad VVhitehaU. 

N°. XXXHL 

Co/irj of a letter from Cravjield to i>zr Leoline Jenkins of the name clalL 

?vl ly ii please your honour, {Council records.") 

E humbly he'< after your honor hath perused this letter to the. 
lords of the council, you would be pleased to lay it before their 
iordships and desire their lordships to come to some speedy resolution ; 
for it is no longer in ray power to promote the honour and interest of his 
majesty here, without a small fregate to second his majesty's broad seal and 
other his rojal commands. As to the pirates your honoui may beassur-^ 
ed that myself and the council will punish them according to their de- 
merits, if they shall at any time happen to come within this jurisdiction j 
and carefully obey all other comniands which shall be sent unto, 

May it please your honour, your honour's most humble and most obe- 
dient servant, EDW. CRANFIELD. 

I most humbly beseech your honour by the first opportimity, to send 
the king's letter to give me liberty to go off to Jamaica or Barbadoes for 

* Tlie first assembly voted two hundred pounds to ths governw, but it is not Wttftil^ 
that he accepted it though he consented to tlK ac. *"' 



33S APPENDIX. 

my health ; finding so ^reat a weakness in my legs, "which incfisposiUtM?! 
hath bin contr.^cteci • y '^e severity of the Cj!c1. 

To the Ri'fi,ht Honourable Sir Leoiine Jeruuns one of his majesty's 
pi'incipul secretaries cf 't te at Whitehail. 

[The (wo preceding Jiap.i-rs are in the council minutes 2d Book.^ 

No. XXXIV. 
Cofiy of Mr. Weare's Jirsi coinfilaint against Cranfield. 
To the king's most excellent majesty and the lords of his most honour«-, 
able privy councill, 
I ME humble represent jtion of Nuthanael Weare, inhabitant and 
planter in your majeslv's province of New-Hampshire in New- 
England in America, on behalf of hnijself and other your niujesty'b loval 
subjects, inhabitants ctnd planters there, whose names ai e subbcribed to the 
jRdu;' annexed pelitions, ds ;<;ilovvs : 

1. That the hon. Edward Crcnfield, Esq. your majesty's gjoverr.or of 
the said province, upon his first entrance on tlmt j^ovcrnment, in cder to 
the enlargement of ills power as goveinur chere beyond the just licunds 
and Iin)iis your meijesty was by your royal conimissifn pleased to sett 
him, and to eng;rosb the whole power of erectini; couits, with all nect-ssa- 
ry fees, powers and authorityes thereto into his owne bands, exchisive of 
the general assembly there. The said Mr. Cr.infield at tne first 
general assembly there when the words of his commisbion ranne, 
"And we do hereby give and lijrant unto you full po^ver and auftiority to 
♦* erect or constitute and establish such and see many courts of judic:aure 
"and pub'iique justice within the said province and jjuntacon within your 
" 'government, as you and they shall think fit and necessary for the hear- 
"ing and determining of ai! causes, as well crimina.l as civil!, according 
" to law and equity, and for awarding execucon thereupon, with all rea- 
"sonabie and necessary powers, authorityes, fees and priviicdges belong- 
*'ing unto them," caused his commission to be entred in the coi'ncill 
bookes there and delivered a copy thereof to the general assembly with- 
out the words [and thcyj, affirming those words to have been put in 
by mistake of the cierk in engrossing the commission ; a\ hereby the said 
Mr. Cranfield has en'ianced the fees upon tryah there to his own advan- 
tage, as will appeare in one of the articles following:, 

2. Although your majesty has been graciously plea ed by your said 
commission to interpose between the inhabitants of the said collony and 
Mr. Robt. Mtxsnn, firct ended proprietor thereof, and to direct, 

' That on non-agreement between those inhabitants and Mr. Mason^ 
the said Mr. Cranfield should interpose, who if he could not end the dif- 
ferences between, was by the said commission directed to transmit to 
England such cases impartially stated, with his opinion and reasons on 
the same, that your majesty with advice of your privy councill might 
heave ami determine the same.' That nevertheless the said Mr. Cran- 
field, instead of keeping himself indifierent between the contending par- 
ties, Mr. Mason and the said inhabitants, hath by purchase or mortgage 
from Mr. Mason made niinseif owner of the province : And the better 
to come by what Ke hcith so.e purchased, he hath under colour of the au- 
thority of vour majesty's commission made couits, whe'cof both judges 
and jurors have giced with %iason for their own lands, and some of 
themi have taken grants from Mason ©f other mens lands. That never-* 



APPENDIXw S3® 

theless this juiy is contmued from month to month and "kept for this 
service. 

Thai Mr. Mason iir.s cast forty persons on suit hj that jury, the court 
rejecting- all pieab unci thou::h the veidici. be !<iven for Mr. Mason ac^ 
corr.in.ij to your majesty'i. royal commission (w hich directs as before) and 
the jimgmeni enteied accorclint^ly, yet upon the execucon the inhabitants 
are dirned out ot tlieir lands and houses, as it hath fared wuh Wm. 
Vaughjn and otLers ..nci deiaived of all subsistance. 

3. Thut the charge of every action is raised from 20s, to &1. which is 
exacted in money, «nd ihou.-ih goods tendered (as usual) the persons are 
imprisoned for want of money in kind, and Mr. Cranfieid himself takes 
■ of the 61. 

4. i'iua Liie said Mr. Cranfieid under colour of trying actions, has by 
settin.i; the fees soe extraordituiry, forced scverall to quitt their claimes 
for want of money to carry on the suite. 

5. Thai the said governor takint^ upon himself the power of priceing 
money not entru-ted with him by his commission, hath against the 
agreement of the general assembly, by advice of his cuunciil, ordered 
pieces of eight however wanting in their weight to pass ior 6 shillings. 

6. lihiX the said ..overnor, without good and lawful cause, hath taken 
tipon hiui to commit several men to prison, particularly Wm. Vaughan, 
\jnui bonds giveti for tiieii appearances and good behaviour, when noth- 
ing further objected to them. 

7. That the saicl governor and his council took upon them to make 
laws and put them in execucon without the general assembly. 

8 That lo prove the articles above against Mr. Cranheld, the com- 
plainants have successless y endeavoured to procure warrants or sum- 
mons from the secretary to simion their witnesses to be sworne (which 
cannot otherwise be soe) the seeking of such summons has occasioned 
being bound to the ^'ood behaviour, soe as the complaining of a wrong 
done one does, under Mr. Cranfield's management, but draw a new pua- 
isiiment on the atflicted, but noe manner of redress. 

Ail which the said Nuth. Weare humbiv lays at your majesty's feet, 
imptoreing your majesty's present heareing what your petitioner is able 
to make out of the premises, and ortlering some C(-mniission to examine 
the truth of the residue oi the said allegacons (since your majesty's gov- 
ernr.i on the place will not admit of such evidence.) That on the return 
thereof your majesty's subjects in that province may find such releite as 
to youi princely wisdom shall seeme meete. 

Ana that in the mean time Mr. Cranfieid be admonished not to exceed 
the bounds of his commission. 

And your petitioner shall ever pray, Sec. 

No. XXXV. 

Att the court at Hatnpton court, 

This Uth day of Ju^y, 1684. 

By the king's most excellent majesty and the lords of his majesty's most 

honourable privy councell. 

UPON reading this day at the board the peiicon and complaint of Na- 
tnaniel Weare, inhabitant and planter in his majesty's province of 
Ntw-Hampbhiie h» New-England in America, in behaife of himselfc 
swid others his majesty's loyal subjects and inliabitants and planters ihere^ 



MQ APPENDIX-, 

wliose names are si\bscnbed to ihe fower pedf.ons theretoannext againsi 
]£d\vnrd Cranfield esq. his majesty's ■fjjoveinor thereol'; 

His njajesty was pleased to order thut the said j-eticon and complaint 
be, and they are hereby referred to the ris^hi honourable the lords com- 
mittees of this board for trade and foreigne piantacons, who are to con- 
sider thereof and to report to his majesty att this board ilieir opinion 
thereupoHj and taen his majesty will declare his further pleasure. 

Philip Lloyd. 
A true copple. 
[_77ze two preceding pMpcrs are in the huiicla ofths II<,n. Praident Wi:arc.'\ 

No XXXVI. 
Letter from the lords tf crude to Governor Crar, field. 
FTEK our hearty commendations to you. His maje^-Jy having re= 
ceived the petitions and complaints of divers of his subjects in- 
habiience and planters of New-H.unpshier at^ainst you tor certine irreg- 
uier procedini^esa.leged by them to bee had by you in the execution of 
your comniibsion and administratiiyn ol justice : and it beint;- ortiered in 
counceli that the said petitions and compi.^inis bee examined and concid- 
ered by us that wee may repo't to his majesty our opinions, to the end his 
majesly's further pleasuer may be signified thereupon. W ee have there- 
fore iierwith sent unt<.) you copies of the said petitions and representations 
that you may leliu'n your particular answer tlicvcunto with all speed, and 
that wee may the letter disiin^uish the truth of what is aicaged or com- 
plained of, and of s\ich delcuce as you shall be able to make. Wee doe 
think tilt tlial all persons »n hatsoever, have free libertye to depose upon 
oath wnat they know, and to take copies of all records in these oi any 
other cases relatin^e toyourselfe, or the saide province, and that the said 
deposidons bee taken in writin^e by any membt;r of the counceli or jus- 
tice of the peace in that coilony, whome you are duly to authorize there- 
unto, and as we cannot beicMC that you will put any restriction or dis- 
couras^cment whatsoever upon the takinge and liansmittinge of all neces- 
sary proofs and records, attested by the proper ofllcers for the clearingQ 
of truth in the matters compUined of, sr.e we thinke it requisite that copies 
of all affidaves bee interchangeably delivered, to each party concerned' 
as soon as they shah be taken, and so not doubtinge of your conjpiyance 
Jierein wee bid you heartily iarewell. 

Fiom the counceli chamber in Whitehall this 23d day of July 1684. 
Your very loving friends 

Radnor. Guilford. C. S. Halifax, C P. S. 

Craven. Rochester. Etnle. Godolphin. 

L. Jenkins. 
To om* very lovinp;c friend Edv-ard Cranfield esq. lieutenant 
governor and commander in chief of his majesty's province of 
Nevv-Hampshier m New-England. A true copy, 

William BlaihwayU 
{This paper is in the council minutes 2d book.'] 

No. xxxvn. 

At the court at Whitehall the 8th of April. 1685. 

By the king's most excellent majesty and the lords of his majesty's most 

honourable privy councill. 

UPON reading a report from the tight honourable the lords of the 
committee of trade and plantacons in Uie words following ; 



APPENDIX.. MJ 

May it please your majesiy, 
Having received an order in council dated the llth cf July last, upon the 
petiiion ur.cl complaint ol NaUi^nei Weare, inhabitant of your majesty's 
pru\ince of New-Hampshire in Kew-Engknd, in the bchaif of himselfe 
and otners your iiiLijesty's subjects and planter^ ;here, against Edward 
Craniieid, Esq. your majesty's governor of that province, whereby wee 
were directed to icpoit our opinions upon the said complaint. Wee did 
accordingly transmit a copy itiereof to the said Edward Cranfield, and , 
upon receiving liis answer, St hearing what the complainants could alieage. 
and make out against him ; \\ ee find th.t the said Edward Cranfield 
has not [mrsviecl his instructions ni reference to the propriety of soils 
which Robert Mason, Escp claimes in tbat pro\ince, inasmuch as the 
bald Edward Craniieid by his insiruction'i is diiected that in case the in- 
habitants of New-Hanipsliire shoulc' refuse to agree with the said Mason^ 
he should interpose and endeavour to reconcile all difiercnces, which if 
he could not bring to ciTect he was then to send into England such case^ 
fairly and impartially stated, togetlier with his opinion, for your majesties 
determinacon ; whereas instead thereof he has caused courts to be held 
in New-Hampshire, and permitted titles of land to be decided there, and 
unreasonable costs to be allow'd, uiinout first representing the particulai; 
cases to your majastie. As to the complaint of his having raised the 
value of coins against the laws of the assembly there, wee are most; 
humbly of opiniou that although it be jour majesty's undoubted preroga- 
tive to. set and determine the price and value of coynes wiihin your do- 
minions, yet youj nuijcsty's governor ought not to have maoe any altera- 
tions therein without havnig received your majesty's special directions. 
AU which wee humbly propose may be signified to him by your niajes-- 
ty's order, and that the ditierences depending between the siiid Robert 
Mason and planters in that pait of Ncw-hampshire may be at length de- 
cided. Wee further offer that Wiuiam Vaughan, one of the complaynants 
attending this board, may have opportunity allov\ed him of appealing to 
your majestie wiihin a ioitnight horn all verdicts and judgnvents given in. 
Nev. -Hampshire in his pt'ivaie case, upon hearing whereot and by tho 
relation it has with others your tiiajesty will be best able lo judge of the 
right and title of the said Robert Mason to that part of the- province of 
New-Hampshire aforesaid, and upon bringing the said appeale that all 
proceedings at law relating to the said title may forthwith cease until 
your majesty's further pleasure be knowne. 

Ail which is nevertheless most huinbly subnutted. 

ROCHESTER, AREINGTON, 

HALIFAX, P. OXFORD, 

CLARENDEN, C. P. S. CHESTERFIELD. 

EEAUFt^RT, 
Council Chamber, 27 March, 1685. 

HIS majestie in counciU was graciously pleased to approve of the said 
report, and to order that his majesty's pleasure therein be signified to 
Mr. Cranfield accordingly. It was alsoe ordered that Mr. William 
Vaughan be allowed to appeale to his majestie wiihin a foilnight from 
all verdicts and judgments given in his private care in New-Hampshirq, 
according to the said report. A true copy, 

WM. BRIDGEMANi 
{The fireceding fxaiier is in (he hpide of the hon.presid, Weare.} 



$i2 -APPENDIX 

No. XXXVIII. 

AFTER our hearty comendanons unto you, xve have in obecTierce t» 
liis m^ijesty's coniniunds, received and exan.ined your unswer to 
the complaint of Nathaniel Weare, inhabitant of his said piovince of 
iNew-Hainpshire, in behalfe of himseife and others his majcbty bubjects 
iand planters theie, and having likewise heard what the said \\ ear couid 
bring in evidence of the said comphiints, and thereupon repoi .ed ouf 
opinions to his majesty, Wee are coatanded hereby to signifie uuio you, 
that you nave not pursued your instructions in refe'ence to the piopriety 
of the soyle which Robert Mason, Esq. ciayme.^ iii the piovince olt" New- 
Hampshire, inasmuch as you were directed ihai in case t.ie inhabitc^nts of 
Ne>>'- lampshiie sliouid refuse to agiee vviih tl.e said Mason you should 
interpose, and ende svour to lecoficiie all diH'eiences, which jt you could 
not bring to e-Tect, you weie then to send to his majesty such ca->es laire- 
ly and in)partially stated, tos^ether with your opinion, for his maje.->ly's de- 
termination ; in stead whereof you have caused courts to be held in 
New Hampshire, and permitted titles of land to be decided there, and 
ijnreasonabie costs to be allowed, without first re^'rcsep.tini! the ,.enicu- 
ler cases to his majesty And yet although it be r;s inujesiy's lu.k.oubt* 
ed prerogative to set ^nd determine the price and vaiiew oi coyi'e with 
in his majesty's dominions, you have not done well in direcdng any alter- 
ations therein without his majesty's specidl order : In both which yoti 
have been wanting in your duty to his majesty. But that the chiefe oc- 
casion of dispute that province may be removed, we are farther diiected 
to acquinc you that as to the differences dej ei-idinj;- between the said 
Robt. Ma'^on and the planters, his ujajesty hati) been sj,raciou&iy pieased 
by his order in councill, dat. the 8th of this instant April, to permit Wil- 
liam Vaui;han, one of the complainants attending this board, to appeaie 
to his majesty with in a fortnight from the date of the said order from all 
the verdicts and judgements given in New-Hampshire in his private 
case, upon hearing wheicof, and by the reuition it has with others, 
his majesty will be best able to judge of the right and titie of the said 
Robt. Mason to that part of the province of New-Hampshire : And his 
majesty doth likewise thinke lit that upon bringing the said appeaie by 
the said WiUiam Vaughan, ail proceedings at law relathig lo the said 
title doe forth with cease until his majesty's pleasure be known. Where- 
of you are to take notice and to govern your selfe accordingly. And s© 
we bid you very heartily farewell. From the councill chamber at 
"Whitehall, the 29th day of April, 1685. Your loving friends, 
(Signed) W. Cant. Bridgwater, 

Guilford, C. S. Chesterfield, 

Rochester, Sunderland, 

Halifax, P. Craven, 

Ciarindine, G. P. S. Aylesbery, 
Beaufort, Midieton, 

Lindshy, Godoiphan, 

Arlington, J. Ernie, 

Hunington, Geo. Jalfrey)j| 

Birected to our loving tViend Edw. Cranfield, Esq. 
lieut. governor and commander in chief of his 
majesty's province of New-Hampshire in N» 
Exigiand. 



APPENDIX* 54S 

No. XXXIX. 

AFTER our hearty commendation : His majesty hath received th« 
petition ana •. ppeale of Wm. Vauglian, inhabitant of New-ilanip- 
fchire, from severi.ll ^erciicts and judcijments given against him in that 
province, which bein< refered to us by his majesty's ( rder in councill of 
the 29th of April last, th .t we should examine tne allegations thereof, 
and Hike report ol the same, with cur opinion therenpt.n, wee have uc- 
cord'ns;Iy appoint, d to heare all parties concerned in the beverall cases 
therein contained, on the first Tuesday after mitisunimer day which shall 
bi; iit ;he vear 1686 : To wnic'i end we herewith send \ou a cnppie of 
the sai i pcti'ion and appeale, which you are to ccmnjiinicate unto Robt* 
MaSon. esq and to all others wlionie it may concern, who are to take 
notice thereof, and to give their attendance at that time either by ihem-» 
selves or by their agents sufi dentiy impowered by them, to answer the 
said appeale, a.,d to submit to such judgment hereupon as his majesty 
in covincili shall be thou:;ht fitt. And you ate likewise to permit all per- 
sons to have free accesse to, and lake copies ot all records with in that 
province relating ;o tue matters in dispute, and to depose upon oath what 
they hno\T concerning the same, which depositions are to be taken in 
writing by any of the members of the councill or justices of the peace ill 
that province, without any hinderance or discouragement whatsoever, iti 
©rder to be transnutted unto us, for the clearing of truth in that appeale. 
And so we bid you heartily farewell. From the councill chanjbei ic) 
Whitehall, the 22d day of May 1685. Your iovin- friends, 

Guilford, C. S, Rochester, 

Halifax, Pr. Clarindine, C. P. % 

Ormond, Sunderland. 

Lieut, gov. of New-Hampshire, or com-i 
mander in chiefe fcr the time being. 
[^The two fireceding fiajiers are in the fiosseasion of John PenhalloWji 
Mguire. 

No. XL. 
To the king's most excellent majesty. 
The humble petition and address of your majesty's dutiful and loyal subs* 
jects inhabiting in the province of New-Hampshire in New-England* 

[16'85.] 
Most humbly sheweth, 

I HAT your majesty's loyal subjects of this province, had for more 
than fifty yeares been peaceably posseised of the lands lately 
•huHenged by Mr. Mason, and having found the ;ame an utter desert and 
forest land, with excessive cost und hard labour reduced the same to a 
tollerabie support of our selves and familyes ;ind lately maintained the 
same with a vast expcnce of our estates and lives against the incursions 
of a barbarous enemy who had otherwise reduced the same to utter con- 
fusion. 

That upon his late majesty's declaration and order for the settlement 
and government of this province, wee accounted ourselves happy for that 
therein we were by his said majesty's princely grace and favour, saved 
from the unreasonable demands which Mr. Mason might have made up- 
on us, by the limitations in the commis.icn for government, wherein it: 
was provided that the said president or governor for the time being, 
ghould usq all methods by his good advice to settle and quiet the people 



344 APPENDIX. 

m the matter of Mr. Mason's titlci or otherwise impartially to ' stale llit 
case and report the same to his majesty, that a finall determinntion might 
thereupon have been made by liis majesty in councell, which if it had 
been duiy attended hdd we do\ibt not lon^ since by your majesty's jus- 
tice and favour putt us into an liappy estate of quiet and repose. 

That noiwiihsianding his said majesty's command and limitation, the 
said Mr. Mason hath been allowed to pursue many of the inhabitants, in 
severall suites and actions, wherein the government have taken to them- 
selves power vjf an absohue judgment witnout sny regard had to the said 
commmds and limitdlions. and witii that excess and ris^or as to a3si;2,-ne 
the said Mr. Mason soruetimes tenn pounds, other times twenty pounds 
Costs, when damay^es have been sometimes not above two shillings, very 
tSeidom ten accordia ^ to the orders and limitations abovesaid. 

That tlie said Mr. MasoTi beyond and beside tlie said quit rents, and di- 
rectly at;Jn-.t his majesty's orlcr in the said comn.ission, wherein the 
tenure of mvproved luutls is asstn-ed to the ter-tenants upon payment of 
the Slid quilt reat, or otheiwise as his majesty in council! sfiould deter- 
mine, Irath disposed or t^iven away the fee to several persons of several 
lands wnich were lon^e before his challenoe fenced and improved by 
others, to the j;;!e:tt damai^-e and injury of his majesty's good subjects, 
beside many other irregularities in the manaj^cment of the government, 
to the g'.'eate oppression and destruction of trodc within your niajestyV 
provmce, and the utter impoverishinu; thereof. 

That for the last two yjeare's and upward durelng the whole iDanage» 
Tnent of Mr. Mason's suits at law against your majesty's subjects, there 
hath been geneialiy one jury returned to serve all the said issues with 
little alterations and ahnost co istanlly one foreman, (who for that end 
wee are apt to fcare) was early compiled with by Mr. Mason for all the 
lands in his ownc possession formerly, with addition of several other 
lands to his owne proffitt. 

Tiiat notwitlisiancling your majesty's late gracious order, and inhibit- 
ing of any further procedure in tne case 6f Mr. Mason's title, until the 
cause \vere brought before your majesty in councill, Mr. Waiter Bare- 
foote who was left deputy governour, hath since the arrival of your 
majesty's commatids permitted executions to be extended, and persons 
thereupon imprisoned in causes concerning: the said Mason's title, with 
ex^cessive and unrca'-.onable costs and damages. 

And lastly, whereas j'our n>ajesty hath upon complaint made against 
the irregular proceeilings done and sufTeved, been graciously pleased to 
permit Mr. William Vaughan, one of the principal inhabitants and mer- 
chants in this province, to take his appeale to your majesty in councill 
for reliefe, against severall oppressive judgments, one whereof leferrs to 
the titie of his lands within this province holden in the same forme with 
the rest of his majesty's good subjects here, wee do with all hvmible grat- 
itude acknowledge your mujesty's justice and favour herein and for that 
the pursuance and issue of the said appeale will therefore necessarily 
aficct the whole province and be introductory to the detennination of all 
Mr. Mason's challenge, wee have judged it our duty in most humble 
manner to prcsira'.e ourselves at your majesty's feete, and have there- 
fore betrusted and iuUy impowered Mr. Nathaniel Weare one of the in- 
habitants of this your inajesty's province our agent to' lay before your 
majesty and most honorable privy council the conrimon case and condi- 



APPENDIX. 345 

tion of your majesty's pao-e i.nd dis!idsed si)l)jects in this province, who 
is fully instructed humbly to represent the same, and the arbitrary and 
severe oppressions wee have laboured under, from which wee are well 
assured of reiicfe by your majesty's most just and i^iaciovis determincuion, 
and to ma'ie an humble and entire submission of ourselves unto your 
majesty's pleasure, most humbly beseeching that wee may hence for- 
ward have our perfect and immediate dependence upon your majesty 
and the cro--n of fuiL^land as weii in the tenure of our lands as in the 
affairs of government, which gracious influence of your majesty is only 
able to revive and restorie thi^ piovince to its former flourishini; estate 
and growth., whereby vve may at length be made serviceable to your 
most s icred majesLy and the crovvne which aee are devoted to serve, re- 
solving therein tube exemplary to all otner your majesty's subjects in the , 
territory of New Eni!;land, and for which v.ee snail c\er pr^-.y, &c. 
^This pafier is in the hands of the Hon. fit'esident WeareT^ 

No. XLI. " , 
At tlie court at Whiiehail the 19rh of November 163S. 
(L. S) Present, The king's most excellent Majesty. 

Loid Chancellor, E. of P.ymouth, 

Ld Treasurer, E. of Morr uy, 

Ld President, E. of Middieton, 

Duke of Ormond, E. of Melford, 

D of Albermarle, E. of Tyrconnell, 

D. of Beauord, Viscount Stuuronbergj 
Ld Chami)er;ain, Vise. Prestf-n, 

Earl of Oxtord, Ld Bp of Durham, 

E. of Huntii.i^ton, Ld \rrundell of Wardour, 
E. of Peteiborough, Ld Dartmouth, 

E. of Craven, Ld Dover, 

E. of Powis, Mr. Chancellor of the exchequer, 

E. of Nottingham, Mr. Chancellor of the Dutchy. 

UPON readiu'^ this day at the board a report from the honble the 
lords of the committee of co\mcii for trade and foreign plantations,, 
bearing date the 6th day of November instant, setting forth, that in obe- 
dience to his majesty's orders in council of the 25th of April 1685, and 
the 3tl oi July last, they have examined tne appeal of Wm. Vaughan from, 
a ve'dict and judgment given against him on the 6th day of Noveniber 
1683 in hi>i majesty's courts in New-Hampshire in New-England, at 
the suit of R()()ert Mason Esq. as proprietor of that province for certaia 
laivls and lenements in Portsmouth hi the said pro«Jince, and that they 
having heard the said Robert Mason and Nathaniel Weare attorney for 
the appehant and his council learned in the law, are humbly of opinion 
that his majesty be pleased to ratify and affirm the verdict and judgment 
afoiesaid. 

His majesty in council vvas pleased to approve of their lordships said 
opinion and report, and to order the said verdict and judgment given 
against the said William Vaughan on the sixth day of November 1683, 
in his majesty's courts in New-Hampshire in New England, at the suit 
of Robt. Mason esv|. as proprietor of that province, for certaine iands and 
tenements in Poitsmouth in said province, be ratified and affirmed, and 
they are hereby ratified and affirmed accordingly. 

WM. BRIDGEMAN.. 
XJ II 



8i6 APPENDIX 

Vera copia, per Richard Partridfje, clerk. 
Copy as on file in the case, Alien vs Waldron, 

Exam, per Geo. ^Taffiey, CI. 

No. XLir. 

Pour letters or fietitions from John Hoj^kins, commonly called Hakins, one 
of the sachcmff of the Penacook Indians. ^jFrom the originals in the 
Recorder's office7\ 
Honour gouernor ray friend, May 15ih, 1685. 

YOU my friend I desire your worship and your power, because I 
hope you can do som s^reat matters this one I am poor and 
naked and I have no men at my place because I afrair? a'lwayes Mohogs 
he will kill me every day and night. If your worship when please pray 
help me you no let Mohoy,s I. ill me at my place at ?*la'amake river cal- 
led Panukkog and Nattukkog, I will subiTiii your worship und youi pow- 
er. And now I want pouder ;tnd such alsninishon,shattaiid guns, because 
I have forth at my horn and I plant theare, 

This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your 

humble servant, JOHN' HOGKINS. 

Simon Detogkom, Peter 3 R<,t)in, 

Joseph X Traske, Mf. Jorge + Roddunnonukgos 

King IkHary, Mr. Hop<^. X Hoth, 

Sam IV Linis, Jolm + Toneh, 

Wapeguanat Jj, Sag-uachuwashat John a Canowa, 
Old Robin JV, John x Owamosimmin, 

Mamanosgues 3 Andra, Natonill f Indian. 

Another from the same. 
Honour Mr Governor, May 15, 1685. 

NOW this day I com your house, I want se you, and I bring my 
hand at before you I v/ant shake hand to you if your worship when pie ise 
then you receve my hand then shake your hand and my hand. You my 
friend because I remember at old time when live my grant favher and 
grant mother then Englishmen com this country, then my grant father tind 
Englishmen they make a good govenant, they hiend allwayes, my grant 
father leving at place called Malamake rever, other name chef Naruk- 
kog and Panukkog, that one rever great many names, and I bring you 
this few skins at this first time I will give you my triend. This all In- 
dian hand. 
{The rest as before.} JOHN + HAWKINS, Sagamor. 

Another from the same. 
Please your worship, 
I WILL intreat your matther you my friend, now this if my 
Indian he do you long pray you no put your law because som my Indins 
looll, som men much iove drunk then he no know what he do, n»uy be 
he do mischief when he drunk if so pray you must let me know what he 
done because I will ponis him what he have done, you, you my friend if 
you desire my business, then sent me 1 will help you if 1 can 

Mr. JOHN HOGKINS. 



APPENDIX. 347 

Another from the same, 
Mr. Mason, 
PRx\Y I want sp6:il<e you a few words if your worship when please 
because I colne parfas [on puipose] Iwiil speake this governor but he 
go awoy so he syy at last niL^ht, and so far I utuleistand this governor his 
power that your pov.er now, so he speake his own mouth. Pray if you 
take '.vhat I want pray com to me because I want go horn at this day. 

Your huiBbie servant, 
May 16, 1683. JOHN HOGKINS, Indian sogmor. 

No. XLIII. 

Letter fr^m Cafit. Hooke, advising' of danger from the Indians. 
Capt. BttIelout^ Sir, 

THIS is to inlornie you tliat just now there cam to me a post, 
wherein 1 am luiiy informed that there is just ground to feare 
that the heathen have a souden desyne against us % they havinge 
lately about Sacoe dtlVonted our English inhabitants there by threatening 
of them, as aisoe by kiliinge theyre dogtis ; but more pertickuiarly in 
xhat on Friday, Suiurday, and Lord's day last they have gathered all 
theyre corne, and arc removed both pack and packidge. A word to the 
wise is enough. The old proverb is, forewarned forearmed. Myself 
and rest in commission with us are fourthwith scttinge ourselves in a 
posture, and tomorrow our counsell meet for to consider what is needful 
to be done. Not els, beinge in great hast, butt remayn, Sir, your oblig- 
ed servant, FRANCIS HOOKE. 
Kitlery, 13 Aug. 16S5. 

No. XLIV. 
Rrhort of^iersona sent to enquire into the above matter. (.Ao date or eigr 

nature.^ 
To the honourable Walter Barefoot, Esq, and the councell of Great- 
Island. 
Gentlemen, 

ACCORDINGE to your command and order to me, bearinge date the 
2d instant, I have to the utmost of my power observed every parti- 
cular. Upon our arrival there on Friday night they were all very cour- 
teous to us, and in the moruinge my orders were read which was very 
kindly received by them, and the re^'sons why they deserted the places 
where they usually abode among the English was, 

1. That four Indians came from fort Albany to the fort at Pennicooke 
and informed them that all the Mohawkes did declare they would kill all 
Indians from Uncas at mount Hope to the eastward as far as Pegypscut. 

2. The reason of Natombamat, sagamore of Saco, departed his place 
was, because the same news was breught there as himself declared upon 
reading uiy orders at Pennicooke. 

3. Natombamat, sagamore of Saco, is gone to carry the Indians downe 
to the sanje place where they were before departed from us, on Sunday 
morninge, and desired Capt. Hooke to meet him at Saco five days after. 

4. Both sagamoi'es of Pennicook, viz. Wannilanset and Mesandowit, 
the latter of which is come downe, did then declare they had no intention 
■of war, neither indeed are they in any posture for war, beinge about 24 
xnen besides squaws and panoses. 



348 APPENDIX. 

5. Askinf^ the roi'son why iliey did not come among the Enp:lish as 
formerly, they answered they thought if tlie Mohawkes came and foug,ht 
theui and they should fiy for succour to the English, that then the Mo- 
hawkes would kill all the Engilssh for harboiing them. 

No. XLV. 
Articles of peace agreed upon the eijihih day of September, hi the year 
of our Lord 1685, between the subjects ot his majesty kin;^ James tlie 
second inhabiting the piovinces oi New-H'an-ip;»hire and Maine, and 
the Indians inhabiting the said provinces. 

IT is agreed there shall be for the tulure a Ir.siing peace, friendship 
anfi kindness beiween the EngHsh and the Intlians, and ihutno inju- 
ry shall be oficred by the one to ihc o'Jier. 

That if any Eng ishmnn doth any injury to an Indian, ui)on complaint 
inade to an) jusiilc oi uie peace Ine Er.giishnian shall !)e puiiished, and 
the Indian sh<dl have present satisfaction niiuie him. And if any Ii-dian 
doth an injury to the English or threaten to do any injury, the sai'-aniore 
to u;.,.iv, ii):.it lnd:rin doth belong, shall [ui.ish hin-> in pre.-icnce of one of 
the king's justices of the peace. 

i i.ci! ii luiy vU'C'i Imhuii siiad designc any mischief or harme to the 
Eni';)ish, the Indians inhaoiling the afoicsaid pi■o^■it.ces shall give present 
notice thereof to the English, and shall assist the English. 

Tiiat so long as the aforesaid intlians shall continue iij friendship with 
■the English, they shall be protected against the Mohawks, or any others, 
and may freely and peuceubiy set downs by the English near any iheiv 
plantations. 

Robert Mason, Walter uarefoote, 

HobenEiiioi, Henry Green, 

John Davis, Francis fiookc. 

The rnai'k of f ISiciar.ciov.it. 
Th . mark 4- (^f Wahowah, alius Ilopeliood. 
The mark ^ of Tecamorisick, alias Jo:^ias. 
"t he mark c/: of Jopn Noniony, alias Upsawah. 
The mark \V.of Umbesnowah, a!ia^ Robin. 
Wc whose nan\es are hereunto written do freely consent and engage 
r-l (.f)iT;ply and perform the within wiiuen articles as our neighbours have 
done, and do fmihcr engage as ioiloweth : 

Lastly, Th;it the Indians shall not at any time hereafter remove fiom 
any of the English plantations with their wives and cliikhcn bctore they 
have iriven fair a»Ki timely notice thereof unto the English, from whence 
ihey do so retnove ; and in case the said Indians shall remove with their 
wives and children nvithciit such fair and timely notice given to the Eng- 
iiih, that then it ^hall be taken pro coni'esso that the Indians do intend 
and designe war with the English, and do thereby declaie that the peace 
ib broken ; and it -efhall and niay be lawlul to and for the Englisa, or any 
f<n their behalfs, to apprehend. (h,e said Indians with their wives and chil- 
dren, n\\i.\ to u^e acts nf hor>tility'against them until the 5agan;eres shali 
make lull satisfaction for all charge and damage that may arise thereby. 

John Davis, 
Francis }Iooke» 
'i he mark of Nctamljomet, sagam. of Siico. 
The mark ^ ^^ Waiiowuh, ali:,s iiopchoodo 



APPENDIX, S49 

Tiie mark ) of Ned Higsron. 

The mark 3 of Newcome. 

Kaiicatuagus, alias John Hawkins, sae;araore, signed this 

instrument, 19 7ber, 1685, his G mark. 
Bagesson, alius Joseph Traske, O his mark. 
And agreed to all within written. 

Testis, JOSEPH RAYNw 

No. XLVI. 

Portsmouth, the 7th of Sept. leST", 
To the mucli honred cort now sitting in said Portsmouth, for the pro* 
uince of Ncwhampshir, 
The humbel petishon of William Houchins, on of his magesty sub- 
gicts belonging lo said prouinc, humbly seweth for aduic, ade and re- 
iefi"in his deplorabell estat and condition. 

THAT whereas it has plesed God to lay his hand uppon him, and 
that hee is in such a condition not being abeli to heip him selflF, 
as to the geting a liuing or proquering help or reniedy for my distem- 
per, being low in the world, and hauing useed all the menes and aduic 
posabell for neve fine years pust ; hauing bin informed by som that it is 
a distemper caled the king^s euell*^ so can nc t be qureed but by his mag- 
esty. Hauing iittell or nothing in this worid, if my liff should go for it 
am not abeli to irancsport my seltf for England to his Raa.^esty for releff ; 
thareffor humbly and hartly beg the heip, ade and asistunc of this honred 
cort, that thay would so far commiiserat my deplorabell condition as order 
som way ether by breff or any other way that youer honors shail think 
most meet to moue the harts of all cristen people with compatir n to be- 
sto somthing uppon mee, to trancsport mee lor England, whar. God wil- 
ling, I intend foith with to goo iff posabeli, but without help not posa- 
beii. This humbiy leuing my seiif in the sud condition I am in, trust- 
ing in God and youer honors for help and aduice, subscrib youer per de- 
pluiabell suruuht, WILLEAM HOUCHINS. 

* This petition is inserted merely as a curiosity. I was a received ofiin^ 
ion ill that day that the diiitemfier called the king's evil could be curtd only 
by the royal touch. The following advertisement taken from an old Lon- 
don gazette is of the same nature. 

-'■ These are to give notice, that the weather growing ivarme, hia majesty 
zvill not touch any more for the evil till towards Michaclmass. .dnd his 
majebtr/'s chirurgeons desire to prevent his majesty b^ing defrauded., that 
greater care be taken for the future in rcgiatring certificates given to 
such as come to be touched.'" London Gazette May 29, 1682. 

No. XLVH. 
A letter from Secretary Addington to Major Waldron, apprizing Mm of 
his danger from the Indians. 
[The original in the hands of the hon. Thomas Westbrook Waldron.^ 
^Honble Sir, Boston, 27 June 1689. 

'HE governor and councill haveing this day received a letter from 
Major Henchman of Chelmsford, that some Indians are con^e in- 
to them who report that there is a gathering of some Indians in or about 
Peneccoke, with designe of mischiefe to the English. Among the said 
Xndians one Hawkins is said to be a principle designer, and "that they 



350 APPENDIX. 

have a particular designe against yourself and Mr. Peter Coffin, which 
the couiKili liiought it necessary presently to dispatch advice thereof to 
give youiiotice, lliul you take care of youi own safeguard, they inlending 
to enaeavour to betray you on a pretention of trade. 

Piease for.uvvith to biij;nify tlie import hereof to Mr. Coffin and others 
as you -jhail thinke nece-^- r, anil acivise of what imformations you may 
at «ay tiaie icceive uf the Indians mulions. By Drder in councill, 

ISA. ADDINGTON, Secy. 
For Major Richard Waldren and Mr. Peter" 

Coui.i, or either of them alt Cochecha 

these with all possible speed. 






No XLVin. 
Cofiy of an address of the general court to Queen Anne., Decern. 6, 1709. 
I Council Minutes.^ 
To the queen's most excellent majesty. 
Th« address of yom- mujesly's most duiifui and loyal subjects, the gov- 
ernor, council, and repiesenttttives of your majesty's province of New 
lis opshire in Nevv-England, convened in general assembly, 
Most humbly shevveth, 
^l . A r in the midst of the cjreat distresses, that your majesty's most 
Uutilui and ioyal bub,ects of this ynur majesty's province were in- 
voivc'-i in, by the fiequenl incuibions of our ill neii^hbours the French of 
Cun. . A thcii dependent Indians, to the great hurt of our plantations 
and :. ei.ts your oacied majesty iias been pleased of your royal boun- 

ty am. passion to supply us with a number of cannon and stores for 
ou'" defence, the receipt whereof has invigorated and encouraged us in 
the defence of our frontiers, and our marches against the Indians in their 
secret lete^ses in the v.oods* whicU a'c always and still successfully put 
forward by j;our majesty'ti governor for our security, to our perfect satis- 
fac.ion. 

Tij.it while we were thus defending ourselves and families, against the 
common enemy of the repose of all your majesty's British subjects in the 
piahti^iions abioad as well as in Europe, we were pursued by the chal- 
ienge of Mr. Alien iov the lands and soil under cur feet, which we have 
this sixty years defended with our lives and estates, as well as .uu assist- 
ance of our good nei.;hboura of your u^: jcsiy's colony of the Massachu- 
setts, your majesty of your royal and prii.cely regaid to us has dismissed 
that ciial:enge, which will lore^er encuurat'e us to our utmost power to 
defend this your majesty'^ province, since we may now hoj)c to leave our 
children in the possession of the counti y, with an entire depcndi.nce up- 
on your majesty and youi royal successors without the Janger uc any 
further unjust challenge iioai those persons that have so long disturbed 
us with tlieir claiuis. 

And whereas your majesty out of a gracious regard to this and other 
ynui provinces in these parts of Amciica, was pleased to form a design 
against the French seltlemenls at Canada and Nova-Scotia the last sum- 
mer, but a more important service in Europe rec-iuiring your majesty's 
forces which were intended hither, whereby that desii^n is laid aside for 
the present ; we most humbly pu.y yoxir majesty that it may consist with 
your royal pleasure to revive the said design, and that the expedition 
btely intended may be prosecuted seasonably the next spring ; and that 



APPENDIX. 851 

your majesty's arms in Amcica may have a glorious success as in Eu- 
rope, to the utter confusion ol your enemies, and lasting repose of all 
your majesty's good subjects inhabiting this continent. 

We most humbly rendei- our everlasting praises to Almighty God for 
your majesty's most glorious successes against the tyri'nny and usurpation 
of the French king and heartily pray for your majesty's long life and happy 
reign and the continuance of the protestant succession, for the benefit of 
your majesty's subjects of Great Britain, of all your majesty's dominions 
and plantations, and of all Europe who have had the unspeakable benefit 
of your majesty's unparalleled reign. 

We are your majesty's most loyal and obedient subjects, 

Mark Hunking, speaker. 
Signed in presence and by order of 
the House of Representatives. 



Cha. Story, secretary. 
Signed in the presence and by 
order of the Council. 



Portsmouth, in NcNv-Hampshire, 6th December, 1709. 



END OF THE FIRST VOLUME, 



